Suchergebnisse

Mijenjaju li se stavovi građana o demokraciji u uvjetima povećane institucionalne nestabilnosti i promjena u stranačkom sustavu u Hrvatskoj u posljednjih nekoliko godina? Nastojeći odgovoriti na to pitanje, autori polaze od koncepta političke potpore demokraciji kakav je izvorno zamislio David Easton, a nadogradili su ga i operacionalizirali Russel Dalton i Pippa Norris. U članku se analiziraju odnos difuzne i specifične potpore demokraciji u Hrvatskoj od 1999. do 2018. i utjecaj na ponašanje birača u oblicima glasovanja za etablirane stranke (lojalnost), nove i marginalne stranke (glas) te apstinencije (izlazak). Analiza obuhvaća sedam vremenskih točaka anketnih istraživanja izbora od 1999. do 2018. i nadovezuje se na druga istraživanja potpore demokraciji u Hrvatskoj. Rezultati potvrđuju da se s vremenom produbio jaz između normativne potpore i zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem demokracije, što se ogleda u povećanju broja kritičkih demokrata i nezadovoljnih autokrata. Premda su obje skupine još razmjerno ravnomjerno raspoređene među etabliranima i novim strankama, ima naznaka da nezadovoljni autokrati sve češće biraju "glas" umjesto "izlaska". Pritom, ukupna slika unutarnje strukture potpore demokraciji nakon 2015. sve više nalikuje na stanje prije velikih institucionalnih promjena 2000, što pridaje posebnu dimenziju političkim promjenama 2015. i 2016. i otvara pitanje o utjecaju uspjeha novih političkih aktera na potporu demokraciji u Hrvatskoj.

Mijenjaju li se stavovi građana o demokraciji u uvjetima povećane institucionalne nestabilnosti i promjena u stranačkom sustavu u Hrvatskoj u posljednjih nekoliko godina? Nastojeći odgovoriti na to pitanje, autori polaze od koncepta političke potpore demokraciji kakav je izvorno zamislio David Easton, a nadogradili su ga i operacionalizirali Russel Dalton i Pippa Norris. U članku se analiziraju odnos difuzne i specifične potpore demokraciji u Hrvatskoj od 1999. do 2018. i utjecaj na ponašanje birača u oblicima glasovanja za etablirane stranke (lojalnost), nove i marginalne stranke (glas) te apstinencije (izlazak). Analiza obuhvaća sedam vremenskih točaka anketnih istraživanja izbora od 1999. do 2018. i nadovezuje se na druga istraživanja potpore demokraciji u Hrvatskoj. Rezultati potvrđuju da se s vremenom produbio jaz između normativne potpore i zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem demokracije, što se ogleda u povećanju broja kritičkih demokrata i nezadovoljnih autokrata. Premda su obje skupine još razmjerno ravnomjerno raspoređene među etabliranima i novim strankama, ima naznaka da nezadovoljni autokrati sve češće biraju "glas" umjesto "izlaska". Pritom, ukupna slika unutarnje strukture potpore demokraciji nakon 2015. sve više nalikuje na stanje prije velikih institucionalnih promjena 2000, što pridaje posebnu dimenziju političkim promjenama 2015. i 2016. i otvara pitanje o utjecaju uspjeha novih političkih aktera na potporu demokraciji u Hrvatskoj. ; Have the attitudes of citizens on democracy changed under increased institutional instability and party system changes in Croatia in recent years? In an attempt to answer that question, the authors start with the concept of support for democracy as originally conceived by David Easton, and later further elaborated on by Russel Dalton and Pippa Norris. This article provides an analysis of the relationship between diffuse and specific support for democracy in Croatia between 1999 and 2018 and its impact on voting behaviour including casting a ballot for the established parties (loyalty), for the new and protest parties (vote) or abstention (exit). The analysis involves seven time points in electoral survey research between 1999 and 2018 in Croatia and is complementary to other research on support for democracy in the country. The results confirm that the gap between normative support and the satisfaction with how democracy works increases over time, which is also evident from the increase in the number of critical (dissatisfied) democrats, but also of dissatisfied autocrats. Although both groups are still rather evenly represented among the established and the new political parties, there are indications that the dissatisfied autocrats will more often than not opt for the vote rather than the exit. At the same time, the overall picture of the post-2015 internal structure of democratic support increasingly resembles the pre-2000 era, when major institutional changes took place, giving an added dimension to the political changes of 2015 and 2016 and sparking the question of the future impact that new political actors will have on the support for democracy.

This study investigates the process of Jewish communal rebuilding in Yugoslavia after the Holocaust. Focusing on the activities of the central Jewish organization in the period, the Federation of Jewish Communities, it explores linkages between Jewish identity, politics, social memory, and ideology in the context of a multiethnic socialist state. It tells the story of the Jewish rebuilding efforts in the post-Holocaust era in Yugoslavia in order to show how commemorative practices and processes of identification emerge, position themselves in, and are shaped by a matrix of conflicting state and non-state political projects. Taking advantage of the political climate in postwar Yugoslavia, the leadership of the central Jewish organization situated its rebuilding efforts within a wider narrative of Yugoslav reconstruction spearheaded by the Communist government. From rebuilding communal infrastructure to dedicating monuments to Jewish victims of the Holocaust, the leaders of the Federation of Jewish Communities pushed through a rebuilding agenda that was a part of a wider Yugoslav narrative, and that defined Jewishness as an identity firmly rooted in the new Yugoslav political project. By focusing on several micro-level debates about the boundaries of Jewishness in Yugoslavia, the dissertation shows how patterns of Jewish identification formed within the discursive framework provided by the new Yugoslav socialist ideology. This dissertation aims to contribute to the integration of seemingly separate "Jewish" and "non-Jewish" histories, provide insights into the processes of creation of space for Jewish identification in socialism and the forging of diverse Jewish identities after the Holocaust, as well as into the politics of memory and the competing narratives of victimhood in postwar Europe and their consequences for different politics of nationhood. ; A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan, 2008. Doctoral Committee: Professor Todd M. Endelman, Co-Chair; Professor John V. Fine, Jr., Co-Chair; Professor Zvi Y. Gitelman; Professor Geoffrey H. Eley; Associate Professor Brian A. Porter-Szűcs.

Polazeći od društvene okoline upravne organizacije, autor analizira poboljšanje odnosa uprave s građanima kao najrelevantnijim dijelom društvenom okoline. S obzirom na to da taj odnos najsnažnije dolazi do izražaja u jedinicama lokalne samouprave, kao slučaj za analizu uzima se Grad Zagreb i poboljšanje odnosa gradskih upravnih tijela s građanima. S obzirom na odnos prema građanima, poslovi gradskih upravnih tijela klasificiraju se u dvije osnovne skupine. Na jednoj su strani poslovi kojima se građanima pružaju određene javne usluge pa se građane percipira kao korisnike tih usluga. Druga kategorija poslova su poslovi strateškog odlučivanja za koje su građani subjekti demokratskog procesa zainteresirani za utjecaj na ishod pojedinih javnih politika. Kao doktrinarno-teorijski temelj koristi se koncept javne vrijednosti i koncept upravljanja odnosima s korisnicima, a kao metodološki pristup koristi se analiza relevantnih propisa i podataka o kontaktima građana i uprave, kao i analiza sadržaja relevantnih web stranica ; The author uses social environment of an administrative organisation to analyse the improvement of public administration's relations with citizens, who are the most relevant part of social environment. Considering that the relations in question are best visible in local self-government units, the author has analysed the City of Zagreb and the improvement of the relations between the city's administrative bodies and citizens. The functions of the city's administrative bodies are divided in to two main groups with regard to relations with citizens. In the first group, there are the functions through which citizens receive certain public services, and are perceived as service users accordingly. The second group comprises the functions of strategic decision-making where citizens are perceived as the subjects of a democratic process interested in the out comes of different public policies. The author used the concepts of public value and user-relation management as a doctrinary-theoretical basis. The analysis of the relevant legislation, information on the contacts between citizens and public administration, and the analysis of the relevant web pages are used as a methodological approach.

Postoji niz čimbenika koji pridonose kvaliteti života pojedinca. Cilj istraživanja bio je ispitati kvalitetu življenja građana grada Varaždina odnosno procjenu općeg životnog zadovoljstva kao i pojedinih domena životnog zadovoljstva te sreće građana grada Varaždina i zatim napraviti usporedbu s procjenama kvalitete života građana Hrvatske, susjednih zemalja i općenito građana Europske unije. Istraživanje je provedeno u jesen 2011. na reprezentativnom, stratificiranom uzorku punoljetnog stanovništva Grada Varaždina, sa slučajnim izborom jedinica unutar svakog stratuma. Uzorkom je ukupno obuhvaćeno 500 ispitanika. Korištene su subjektivne procjene kvalitete življenja građana Varaždina ispitane skalama samoprocjena o kvaliteti života, životnom zadovoljstvu i sreći, te pojedinim domenama životnog zadovoljstva. Rezultati provedenog istraživanja pokazali su kako stanovnici grada Varaždina općenito procjenjuju da su sretni i zadovoljni svojim životom u cijelosti. Kod procjene zadovoljstva pojedinim segmentima u svom životu, odnosno uvjetima života u gradu Varaždinu, građani su najzadovoljniji odnosima s bližnjima, pripadnošću okolini u kojoj žive, kvalitetom stanovanja, zatim duhovnošću, osjećajem vlastite sigurnosti i sigurnosti u gradu. Ujedno, to su područja koja građani procjenjuju pozitivnije nego što su procijenili zadovoljstvo svojim životom u cijelosti. Građani svoje pozitivne procjene zadovoljstva životom upravo baziraju na procjenama osobnog zadovoljstva, interpersonalnim odnosima i osjećaju sigurnosti kao socijalnim domenama život, a što bi bili i glavni razlozi zbog kojih bi se stanovnici grada odselili iz Varaždina. Za zadovoljstvo životom građana grada Varaždina najznačajniji su zadovoljstvo životnim standardom i zadovoljstvo pripadnosti okolini u kojoj žive. Procjene životnog zadovoljstva, sreće te pojedinih domena životnog zadovoljstva građana Varaždina bliže su prosječnim procjenama stanovnika EU-a 2011. godine nego prosječnim procjenama stanovnika Hrvatske. Zadovoljstvo svojim zdravljem građani Varaždina, Hrvatske i EU-a procjenjuju podjednako, dok su procjene životnog standarda građana Varaždina bliže procjenama stanovnika EU-a nego stanovnika Hrvatske. Procjene životnog zadovoljstva i sreće građana Varaždina u odnosu na ostale zemlje EU-a u okruženju najbliže su procjenama stanovnika Austrije. ; There are a number of factors that contribute to the quality of life of an individual. The aim of this study was to examine the quality of life of citizens in the city of Varaždin and to assess their general life satisfaction as well as individual domains of life satisfaction and happiness. Another aim was to compare this with the evaluated quality of life of citizens in Croatia, neighbouring countries and generally in the European Union. The survey was conducted in the fall of 2011 on a representative, stratified sample of the adult population in the city of Varaždin with a random selection of units within each stratum. The sample included a total of 500 respondents. Subjective assessments of quality of life by citizens of Varaždin were tested by scales of self-assessment of quality of life, life satisfaction and happiness, and individual domains of life satisfaction. Results of the study showed that people in the city of Varaždin evaluate that they are happy and satisfied with their life in general. When assessing satisfaction of certain life segments and living conditions in the city of Varaždin, citizens are most satisfied with their family relationships, belonging to the environment in which they live, the quality of housing, followed by spirituality, a sense of personal safety and security in the city. At the same time, these are the areas that citizens assessed more positively than they assess satisfaction with their lives as a whole. Citizens' positive assessment of life satisfaction is based on evaluations of personal satisfaction, interpersonal relationships and a sense of security as well as the social domains of life which would be the main reasons why residents move away from Varaždin. For life satisfaction of citizens in the city of Varaždin, standard of living and the pleasure of belonging to the environment in which they live were the most important. Life satisfaction, happiness and individual domains of life satisfaction of citizens of Varaždin were closer to the average evaluations in the EU in 2011, than the average evaluations of the Croatian population. In relation to satisfaction with health, citizens of Varazdin, Croatia and the EU are alike, while the standard of living assessment among citizens of Varaždin is closer to the evaluations of the EU population than the overall population of Croatia. Evaluations of life satisfaction and happiness of citizens in Varaždin were closest to evaluations of population in Austria in comparison to other EU countries in the region.

The composition of a criminal court stands as one of the most interesting issues in the comparative law. Different viewpoints when it comes to the need of including non-professional citizens in the contemporary criminal procedure have contributed to interesting approaches related to regulating this issue. First of all, there are original jury systems that are a feature related mainly to the Anglo-American legal systems, but whose ideas have found their place in the European legislature as well. Furthermore, there are countries where the trial body stands as a separate authority, which consists of professional judges and lay judges, whereas some of the countries have both professional judges and lay judges, the first being in charge of resolving legal issues, and the second ones being in charge of factual issues. There are many articles devoted to the jury systems in the world, but in a very small proportion of them we could find solutions from the mixed court of the Balkan countries. Mixed court is one of the features continental countries. The authors compare Balkan countries, where Slovenia and Croatia being the European Union Members, whereas the rest of them are in the process of accession. Thereby, some of the countries strive to get their courts become more professional by leaving out citizens non-professional from the composition of trial chamber, while some of them have kept them, whereby the scope of their jurisdiction varies from one country to another. Today, it is a great question whether a mixed court will survive legislative changes, due to the criticism of the jurists and non-jurists. ; Sastav sudećih veća jedno je od najinteresantnijih pitanja današ­njice, pogotovo u vremenu velikih reformskih poduhvata. Različita shvatanja potrebe za učešćem građana-laika u savremenom krivičnom postupku doprinela su zanimljivim pristupima u regulisanju tog pitanja. Na prvom mestu, postoje pravi porotni sistemi, koji su odlika prevashodno angloameričkog pravnog sistema, ali su njegove ideje našle mesto i u evropskim zakonodavstvima. Postoje i države u kojima sudeće veće predstavlja jedno telo, sastavljeno od sudija profesionalaca i sudija porotnika, dok u pojedinim imamo, takođe, i sudije profesionalce i porotnike, ali su prvi zaduženi za rešavanje pravnih, a drugi za rešavanje činjeničnih pitanja. Autori u radu porede strukturu sudskih veća u krivičnim postupcima za punoletna lica u pojedinim balkanskim zemljama, od kojih su, primera radi, Slovenija i Hrvatska članice Evropske unije, dok su druge u procesu pridruživanja. Neke od njih teže profesionalizaciji sudstva, izbacujući građane-laike iz sastava sudskog veća, dok su ih druge zadržale, pri čemu obim njihove nadležnosti varira od države do države.

Rad se bavi pretpostavkama novog modela upravljanja okruženjem u Srbiji, kojeg bi trebalo razvijati sa procesom pridruživanja Evropskoj uniji. Oslanjanjem na regulacionu teoriju, analizira se uloga državnih aktera i aktera civilnog sektora u novom modelu upravljanja na osnovu podataka dva empirijska istraživanja. U prvom delu rada je kratko predstavljen koncept novog modela upravljanja i različiti tipovi građanskog aktivizma: participativni i transakcioni. Drugi deo rada bavi se zakonodavnim i institucionalnim kapacitetima i ponašanjem posmatranih aktera u Srbiji. U zaključnom delu sumiraju se osnovni nalazi i ističu ključne prepreke uspostavljanju novog modela upravljanja okruženjem u Srbiji: zatvorena struktura političkih mogućnosti, autoritarno nasleđe i dominacija tradicionalno komandnog i kontrolnog pristupa odlučivanju, nedostatak važnih resursa za kooperativno delanje, odsustvo tradicije u institucionalizaciji odnosa državnih i nedržavnih aktera, itd. ; The preconditions for new environmental governance in Serbia, which should be developing with country's accession to EU, are the object of analysis. Relying on regime theory, the paper is focused on the role of state and civil society actors. The analysis is informed by two empirical researches. Firstly, the concept of new governance regime is described as well as different types of civic activism: participative and transactional. Secondly, the legislative and institutional preconditions as well as action capacities of state and civil society actors are analyzed. The concluding part summarizes the basic findings and emphasizes the obstacles to new environmental governance in Serbia: close political opportunities, authoritarian legacy and prevalence of traditional command and control approaches, lacking of important resources for cooperative action, no tradition of institutionalized state-society relations, etc.

Veliki broj političara koristi vizuelni medijski sadržaj za potrebe lične promocije, predizbornih kampanja i za komunikaciju sa biračima. Pored televizijskih snimaka i fotografija u štampanim medijima, političari sve više koriste vizuelno-centrične digitalne platforme poput Instagrama, Jujtjuba, Snepčeta i TikToka kako bi doprli do šire javnosti i obezbedili veću podršku. Jedan broj političara redovno koristi Instagram kao mrežu koja beleži ogroman rast u odnosu na druge poznate društvene mreže. Instagram je svojom vizuelnošću omogućio političku hiperindividualizaciju, pa se čini da su inače distancirani predsednici, premijeri i drugi političari sve "običniji" i bliži građanima. Jedan od njih je i predsednik Srbije Aleksandar Vučić, čiji je zvanični Instagram profil @buducnostsrbijeav poslednjih godina postao važan izvor informacija mejnstrim medijima u Srbiji, pa i Javnom medijskom servisu. Imajući u vidu ovaj kontekst, u radu se istražuje kako se na Instagram profilu predsednika Srbije vizuelno reprezentuju građani Srbije i kao objekat i kao izvor politike. Na osnovu kvantitativne i kvalitativne analize fotografija i video snimaka objavljenih u toku 2019. i 2021. godine, identifikuju se glavni vizuelni okviri u kojima se predstavljaju građani Srbije, kao i vizuelne strategije na osnovu kojih Vučić stupa u interakciju sa običnim ljudima, uspostavlja odnose sa pojedinim društvenim i profesionalnim grupama, a istovremeno šalje određene političke poruke. ; A large number of politicians often use visual media content for promotion, campaigning and communication with citizens. Alongside traditional visual content, such as TV newscasts and images in print media, visual digital platforms and social media have become popular avenues for politicians to reach the audience and garner support. Some of them regularly use Instagram as a growing platform in recent years, which has contributed to political hyper-individualization and made "distanced" presidents, prime ministers and other political leaders more "ordinary" and ...

U ovom radu bavimo se različitim modelima demokratije za Evropsku uniju. Posebno se razmatraju rešenja koja se odnose na povećanje poverenja i mehanizme demokratske kontrole na nadnacionalnom nivou. Zbog toga se u razmatranje uzimaju različiti modeli demokratije za Evropsku uniju, kako oni koji se isključivo vezuju za državu, tako i oni koji su po svojoj prirodi kosmopolitski. Zastupa se stanovište da kosmopolitski model koji uključuje koncepciju deliberativne demokratije može biti dobar put za dalju demokratizaciju. ; In this paper I will investigate different models of democracy for the European Union. I focus on the solutions that stress the importance of trust and mechanisms of democratic control at the supranational level. In that regard, I will consider different models of democracy for the European Union, both those that are state-centered and cosmopolitan. I defend the cosmopolitan model which includes the conception of deliberative democracy