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"Theoretical Underpinnings of a Global Social Contract" published on by Oxford University Press.

Globalization, privatization, and CHANging ideas about the roles of business and government are transforming the social contract under which business is allowed to operate. Global companies are also policy-makers and public goods providers, governments seek profits through state-owned enterprises and sovereign wealth funds, and everyone is trying to figure out how to partner with everyone else. As a result of global economic and social integration, more and more of the business-society interaction has played out at a transnational rather than purely national level, involving transnational corporations, transnational civil society networks and organizations, and inter-governmental organizations. Experiments with codes of conduct, disclosure standards, new business models, and investment standards, along with numerous dialogues and partnerships, provide the basis for a rich and important research agenda.

Abstract
How does labor emigration affect state–society relations across postcolonial states? We argue that the opportunity to pursue employment abroad alters a fundamental component of postcolonial states—the post-independence social contract. Such states' inability to sustain post-independence levels of welfare provision first leads to the development of "emigration management institutions," which seek to encourage and regulate citizens' labor emigration, and second, to the widening of the "remittance-welfare gap," where labor emigration and remittances outpace state-sponsored welfare provision. These mark the emergence of a "transnational social contract," as states leverage access to employment abroad in exchange for social and political acquiescence. This de-territorialization of the postcolonial social contract leads to de jure and de facto forms of state coercion toward its citizens/migrants, who are commodified by the market-based logic of transnational neo-patrimonialism. We test this argument through a paired comparison and within-case analysis across two postcolonial states in South Asia and the Middle East: Nepal and Jordan. We offer an interregional, South–South migration analysis and a novel framework of understanding the politics of mobility across non-Western states as "migration from below," which acts as a corrective to the dominance of South–North migration research in international studies.

How does labor emigration affect state–society relations across postcolonial states? We argue that the opportunity to pursue employment abroad alters a fundamental component of postcolonial states - the post-independence social contract. Such states' inability to sustain post-independence levels of welfare provision first leads to the development of "emigration management institutions," which seek to encourage and regulate citizens' labor emigration, and second, to the widening of the "remittance-welfare gap," where labor emigration and remittances outpace state-sponsored welfare provision. These mark the emergence of a "transnational social contract," as states leverage access to employment abroad in exchange for social and political acquiescence. This de-territorialization of the postcolonial social contract leads to de jure and de facto forms of state coercion toward its citizens/migrants, who are commodified by the market-based logic of transnational neo-patrimonialism. We test this argument through a paired comparison and within-case analysis across two postcolonial states in South Asia and the Middle East: Nepal and Jordan. We offer an interregional, South–South migration analysis and a novel framework of understanding the politics of mobility across non-Western states as "migration from below," which acts as a corrective to the dominance of South–North migration research in international studies.

This article assesses Richard Vernon's attempted reconciliation of compatriot preference with global justice by analyzing the iteration proviso (IP), which says that a group of people can legitimately set out to confer special advantages upon each other if others, outside that group, are free to do the same in their own case. Part I outlines how duties to outsiders are typically characterized in two leading accounts of global justice — moral universalism and associativism. The IP is motivated by Vernon's desire to transcend the binary opposition between, and the limitations of, these two views. Part II sketches the version of contractualism that Vernon deploys to surmount these limitations and explains the role of the IP therein. Part III elucidates two different interpretations of the IP and shows that neither seems plausible.

This essay on international economic order and foreign policy theory takes its departure from the observation that foreign policy theory and action are today confronted with a global economic problematique of revolutionary proportions, and therefore need to be re-examined. It finds that the classical concepts of sovereignty, national interest, and power, though still valid, are too narrowly defined by the Realist school to be of much use. It holds that the principle of politico-military 'balance of power' must be applied in conjunction with the principle of 'optimal interdependence'. Using a cognitive map which identifies the principal actors and cleavages (global apartheid being judged to be the most dominant), and learning from socialist and capitalist theoreticians about possible solutions, it elaborates the meaning of 'optimal interdependence'. It then presents an alternative theory of foreign policy and makes six strategic suggestions from that principle.

In this pathbreaking book, one of the world's leading analysts of globalization and global governance confronts the failures of international politics in the aftermath of 9/11 and the war against Iraq. He argues that there were and are alternatives to the way the western coalitions responded to the profound challenges of mass terrorism and political violence - alternatives which can better address the roots of these challenges and deliver political and social justice. In order to grasp this alternative, the changing structure of the global order has to be understood. To this end, the bo.