Suchergebnisse

Extremist discourse is found within the Shi?ite community just as it is also found within the Sunnite group. Within the former, the existence of the sectarian groups ?it may be argued- serves as the raison d??tre of extremism. These groups emerged first and foremost as a result of the diverging and somewhat conflicting views on the notion of Im?mah; a notion that always forms part and parcel of the Shi?i tenet. This is in addition to the fact that they emerge as a logical result of the doctrinal disparity that members of these group hold on various issues. It is out of these differences however, that the modulation of Shi?ism into the moderates and the extremists -that is the right and the misled Shi?ism as it were- comes into being. What this implies is that that kind of modulation is not simply about the classification and social identification of Shi?ism. It is also about the categorical stigmatization of members of the group toward each other. Hence, the competing truth-claim among them ends up in a seemingly endless political conflict. In this, those who are judged misled such as the Shi?ah Sab?iyah, are often called the ?ghulat?. Nonetheless, some scholars argue that the identification of this group as ?ghulat? is not due to its misleading tenet, but because of its doctrinal extremism. The more extreme a group becomes, the more misled it is. To me however, this later view is problematic simply because there is no a standardized measure of who is misled and who is not. Vis-?-vis this problem, this paper is destined to investigate the epistemological significance of the word ?misleading? that the Shi?ah Sab?iyah is associated with, and is also interested to find out to what extent this group may be rightly called extremist. All this will be done through the serious study on the central tenet of Shi?ism, namely im?mah.

I.B. Tauris in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies. The Kitab al-Kashf is one of the earliest Ismaili texts to have reached the present day. Transmitted by the Tayybi Ismaili tradition, it is composed of six treatises, most of which, as this open access study and first English translation argues, go back to the early years of the Fatimid rule. The importance of this work is predicated upon the unique insight it offers on the early stages of the elaboration of Ismaili doctrine. A number of parallels with Twelver Shi'i, as well as ghulat and Nusayri sources, are highlighted throughout this study, which, by contrast, allow for the identification of specifically Ismaili themes and doctrines, before and after the rise to power of the Fatimids. The Kashf is thus an essential witness to the way early Ismailism, while drawing from a pool of themes common to several Shi'i trends, nevertheless formed its own distinctive identity. Since it was edited by Rudolf Strothmann for the first time in 1952, the Kashf has attracted the attention of several generations of scholars, but did not benefit from a full annotated translation and extensive study highlighting its structure and aims until now. The eBook editions of this book are available open access under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 licence on bloomsburycollections.com. Open access was funded by The Institute of Ismaili Studies.

Islamic education in Indonesia has a long history and started around the 13th century, but it faces many challenges. The first of challenge is the existence of logocentrism and the second of the challenge is the school of centrism (mazdhab-centrism). Logocentrism and school of centrism (mazdhab-centrism) in Islamic education has caused the rise of ghulat community and radicalism in Indonesia. For this reason, Islamic education as an implementation of maqÄá¹£id sharÄ«'ah should be reconstructed. Islamic education systems have to change its strategy and operational method. It has to be open and inclusive to foreign resources of school environment as stated by Auda in maqÄá¹£id sharÄ«'ah. By implementing the thought of Auda's maqÄá¹£id sharÄ«'ah in the Islamic education in Indonesia, it is expected that the competent, broad-minded, humanistic, tolerant, and democratic Muslim communities can be realized. Besides that, the reconstruction of Islamic education can give information to the society that Islam is not as rigid as radicalism claims, but Islam provides a lot of alternatives in solving the present problems. ; Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia memiliki sejarah panjang dan dimulai sekitar abad ke-13, namun menghadapi banyak tantangan. Tantangan pertama adalah adanya logosentrisme dan tantangan kedua adalah aliran sentris (mazdhab-centrisme). Logosentrisme dan sekolah sentimentalisme (mazdhab-centrisme) dalam pendidikan Islam telah menyebabkan bangkitnya komunitas ghulat dan radikalisme di Indonesia. Untuk alasan ini, pendidikan Islam sebagai implementasi shar'ah maqasyid harus direkonstruksi. Sistem pendidikan Islam harus mengubah strategi dan metode operasinya. Ini harus terbuka dan inklusif terhadap sumber daya lingkungan sekolah asing seperti yang dinyatakan oleh Auda di maqâṣid sharÄ«'ah. Dengan menerapkan pemikiran sholat mazhab Auda dalam pendidikan Islam di Indonesia, diharapkan masyarakat Muslim yang kompeten, cakap, humanis, toleran, dan demokratis dapat terwujud. Selain itu, rekonstruksi pendidikan Islam dapat memberi informasi kepada masyarakat bahwa Islam tidak sekuat klaim radikalisme, namun Islam menyediakan banyak alternatif untuk menyelesaikan masalah sekarang.

Alevilik is the second largest religious movement in Turkey after Sunnite Islam. The Alevi worship Ali and the twelve Imams of his family. Ali is more or less deified and therefore Alevis are considered as being ghulat ('exaggerated', 'extremist') and heterodox. The elevated Ali personifies an aspiration to justice and righteousness. He fought on the side of the weak and oppressed against those with power in society. Theologically, Ali is assumed to be blessed by the divine light and is therefore able to see into the mysterious spirituality of Islam. Many Alevis today however totally dissociate themselves from Shi'ism. Still, the degrading­ abel kızılbaş ('red-head') is associated with Ali and thus is something alleged to be anti-Osman, since Isma'il fought against the Osman Empire. The colour red represents the blood of Mohammed: he was wounded in battle and Ali saw the prophet's blood flowing. As Ali grew older, he wanted to remind people of Mohammed's struggle and therefore started wearing red headgear. Red thus became the colour of the Shi'ites and over time a symbol of Shi'ite martyrdom. Later red also gained political significance for the Alevis. The religious and the political are closely intertwined, but despite this, neither the Left nor Shi'ism does simply stand on one side and the Right/Sunni on the other – there are no such simple dichotomies in reality.

Alevilik is the second largest religious movement in Turkey after Sunnite Islam. The Alevi worship Ali and the twelve Imams of his family. Ali is more or less deified and therefore Alevis are considered as being ghulat ('exaggerated', 'extremist') and heterodox. The elevated Ali personifies an aspiration to justice and righteousness. He fought on the side of the weak and oppressed against those with power in society. Theologically, Ali is assumed to be blessed by the divine light and is therefore able to see into the mysterious spirituality of Islam. Many Alevis today however totally dissociate themselves from Shi'ism. Still, the degrading­ abel kızılbaş ('red-head') is associated with Ali and thus is something alleged to be anti-Osman, since Isma'il fought against the Osman Empire. The colour red represents the blood of Mohammed: he was wounded in battle and Ali saw the prophet's blood flowing. As Ali grew older, he wanted to remind people of Mohammed's struggle and therefore started wearing red headgear. Red thus became the colour of the Shi'ites and over time a symbol of Shi'ite martyrdom. Later red also gained political significance for the Alevis. The religious and the political are closely intertwined, but despite this, neither the Left nor Shi'ism does simply stand on one side and the Right/Sunni on the other – there are no such simple dichotomies in reality.

Conflicting synergy of patterns of religious authority in Islam / Orkhan Mir-Kasimov -- La transgression des normes du discours religieux : remarques sur les shaaat de Abu Bakr al-Shibli / Pierre Lory -- Religious authority & apocalypse: tafsir as experience in an early work by the Bab / Todd Lawson -- La transmigration des ames. Une notion problematique dans l'Ismaelisme d'epoque Fatimide / Daniel De Smet -- Promised One (maw'ud) or Imaginary One (mawhum)? Some Notes on twelver Shi?i Mahdi doctrine and its discussion in writings of Baha' Allah / Armin Eschraghi -- To the abode of the hidden one: The green isle in Shi'i, early Shaykhi, and Babi-Baha'i sacred topography / Omid Ghaemmaghami -- The Kufan Ghulat and millenarian (mahdist) movements in Mongol-Turkmen Iran / William F. Tucker -- Intercessory claims of Sufi communities during the 14th and 15th centuries: 'Messianic' legitimizing strategies on the spectrum of normativity / Devin DeWeese -- Ummis versus Imams in the Hurufi prophetology: An Attempt at a Sunni/Shi'i synthesis? / Orkhan Mir-Kasimov -- The occult challenge to philosophy and messianism in early Timurid Iran: Ibn Turka's lettrism as a new metaphysics / Matthew Melvin-Koushki -- Timurid experimentation with eschatological absolutism: Mirza Iskandar, Shah Ni'matullah Wali, and Sayyid Sharif Jurjani in 815/1412 / Ilker Evrim Binbas -- L'ideologie d'etat concurrencee par son interpretation : les Melami-Hamzevi dans l'Empire Ottoman / Paul Ballanfat -- Kaygusuz Abdal: A aedieval Turkish saint and the formation of vernacular Islam in Anatolia / Ahmet T. Karamustafa -- The World as a hat: symbolism and materiality in Safavid Iran / Shahzad Bashir -- Persian Nuqawis and the shaping of the doctrine of "Universal conciliation" ('ulu'i kull) in Mughal India / Abbas Amanat -- Messianism, heresy and historical narrative in Mughal India / A. Azfar Moin

International audience ; The fragmentation of Bilâd al-Châm gave birth to four states, including the territory of the Alawites that General Gouraud, in December 1920, considered a military territory. The French army had to control the nationalist rebellion of Sheikh Saleh, before being able to 'pacify' this Alawite entity to which the authority mandated successively different statutes. In 1937, she became part of the independent Syrian state of which she became a muhafaza. In 1920, to value the nusayris, which were considered as ghulât, the French authorities named them Alawites, thus emphasizing the particular devotion they dedicated to 'Ali. Recognizing their religious independence allowed them to be separated from the rest of Syria and discouraged their inclination to rally to Syrian pan-Islamists or nationalists. Thus, in September 1922, an order of the governor of the Alawite State turned the Alawite courts into state organizations. However, the Alawites did not have their own Islamic Law. A great Alawite cleric, Sulayman al-Ahmad, was asked by the mandatory authorities to put this jurisdiction in place. The latter turned to Twelver Shiite clerics from South Lebanon and Iraq, and so the Alawites referred to the so-called Ja'farite Shiite law. With other clerics, he promoted a kind of Alawite reformism. In 1936, on the eve of the signing of the Franco-Syrian treaty, they published a text affirming their Arabity and their adherence to Islam and, in July, Amin al-Husaynî issued a fatwa corroborating their claims. The integration of the Alawis into the umma through a doctrinal rapprochement with the Twelver Shiism continued. Clerics were trained in this sense and the cult was organized in an Islamization movement sponsored by the Shiite Muhsin al-Hakim. A first mission of Alawite clerics was sent to Najaf in 1948 and an association was created in 1951 to open schools, build mosques and disseminate religious education according to Ja'farite madhhab. In 1952, Ja'farite clerics were officially recognized by the ...