Suchergebnisse

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

"Selected bibliography": p. 32. ; "Footnote references": p. 30-31. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The interwar period witnessed fierce criticism of the ways in which parliamentary democracies were operating in Europe. In many instances, authoritarian regimes replaced perceived malfunctioning democracies shortly after the ratification of democratic constitutions. Yet, many European intellectuals and politicians believed democracy was not entirely lost. Amidst the perceived crisis of democracy in Europe, one strand of intellectuals started to rethink the capacities of political representation and democratic governance, taking their cue from institutional innovations that incorporated group interests in state governance. Based on a range of representative councils installed in the 1920s, notions of 'functional democracy' were presented as a panacea for the crisis of European parliamentary democracy. This paper discusses the scope and impact of this strand of interwar political thought, alluding to the potential historical implications with regard to functional counter-balances within democratic governance in the face of the crises of democracy occurring in Europe today.

The interwar period witnessed fierce criticism of the ways in which parliamentary democracies were operating in Europe. In many instances, authoritarian regimes replaced perceived malfunctioning democracies shortly after the ratification of democratic constitutions. Yet, many European intellectuals and politicians believed democracy was not entirely lost. Amidst the perceived crisis of democracy in Europe, one strand of intellectuals started to rethink the capacities of political representation and democratic governance, taking their cue from institutional innovations that incorporated group interests in state governance. Based on a range of representative councils installed in the 1920s, notions of 'functional democracy' were presented as a panacea for the crisis of European parliamentary democracy. This paper discusses the scope and impact of this strand of interwar political thought, alluding to the potential historical implications with regard to functional counter-balances within democratic governance in the face of the crises of democracy occurring in Europe today.

This article debates democracy and the key elements of a democratic system. For this purpose, some of the internationally reputed authors and experts have been quoted. There is no universally accepted definition of democracy but most of the intellectuals and scholars are agreed that in democracy the supreme authority is vested in the hands of the people who exercise it through their elected representatives. The paper adopted qualitative, historical, and analytical method. The scholar has undergone an extensive study of available literature such as books, journals articles, newspapers and internet sources to make this study more commendable and get it become visible for the future scholars. The paper is based on qualitative study as it discusses facts for finding the truth. Democracy cannot flourish without certain necessary conditions. The focus of the paper is on the fundamental's elements of democracy each of which is a basic condition for the success of democratic type of government everywhere.

In this article, I engage with the normative foundations of David Mitrany's international political theory. My aim is to show that there is more to be found in Mitrany's approach to international organization than the technocratic problem-solving often associated with his name today. To pinpoint the essence of Mitrany's normative thought, I introduce the term 'functional cosmopolitanism'. This variety of cosmopolitan theorizing starts from the equality of individual needs (not from rights or obligations), suggesting that transnational institutions, rather than states, should cater to these needs. An important aim of this 'functional devolution' is to limit and reconfigure public power, thus countering the threat of an ever more powerful nation-state. Mitrany's proposal for introducing a functional dimension into the political system can be interpreted as a 'thin' cosmopolitanism, designed to free citizens from war and oppressive concentrations of political power, but vague in its ideas about individual political engagement.

Riker (1982) & others maintain that the general impossibility of aggregating individual preferences into consistent collective choices implies that liberalism is "the only kind of democracy actually attainable." We argue that the implications of impossibility theorems are consistent with, & implied by, the logic of the participatory conception of democracy. In this view, the democratic method is justified not because it necessarily produces decisions that are adequate representations of public preferences, but because the participation implicit in the method contributes to the development of human capabilities. Given that the impossibility results derived from the theory of voting thus suggest more, rather than less, democracy, they may be viewed as functional rather than pathological. 97 References. Adapted from the source document.

"Offering a cutting edge study of the European Union's (EU) promotion of democratic governance in neighbouring countries, this new book makes an original contribution to the study of democracy promotion and of EU external relations by presenting a new governance model of democracy promotion.Through robust analysis of the shortcomings of traditional 'leverage' and 'linkage' models of external democracy promotion in the EU's Eastern and Southern neighbourhood, it presents a novel 'governance model' that fosters transparency, accountability, and participation standards through functional cooperation between policy officials from the EU and neighbouring states. In particular, it examines the impact of democratic governance promotion in detailed case studies of EU sectoral cooperation with Moldova, Morocco, and Ukraine in the three policy fields of competition, environment, and migration. "--

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- About the Authors -- List of Abbreviations -- Introduction -- The argument -- The structure of the book -- 1 Models of EU Democracy Promotion: From Leverage to Governance -- Models of democracy promotion -- 2 The Limits of Leverage and Linkage in the European Neighbourhood -- State of the art -- Operationalization and data -- Analysis and results -- Conclusions -- 3 Democratic Governance Promotion -- Democracy below the level of the state -- The concept of democratic governance