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Why are certain responses to past human rights violations considered instances of transitional justice while others are disregarded? This study interrogates the history of the discourse and practice of the field to answer that question. Zunino argues that a number of characteristics inherited as transitional justice emerged as a discourse in the 1980s and 1990s have shaped which practices of the present and the past are now regarded as valid responses to past human rights violations. He traces these influential characteristics from Argentina's transition to democracy in 1983, the end of communism in Eastern Europe, the development of international criminal justice, and the South African truth commission of 1995. Through an analysis of the post-World War II period, the decolonisation process and the Cold War, Zunino identifies a series of episodes and mechanisms omitted from the history of transitional justice because they did not conform to its accepted characteristics.

The sudden end of the Ben Ali regime in January 2011 led to a change towards a democratic political system in Tunisia. While researchers acknowledge the importance of social movements for the initial protests, there is no systematic proof of civil society influence on the Tunisian state. The thesis takes this blind spot and looks at the mechanisms by which civil society can have ideational influence. As the role of civil society for democracy and democratization is often discussed, the thesis asks how organizations perceive democracy and whether they diffuse a democratic framing towards the state. Organizational networks are analyzed to see who works with whom and which ministries are approached. These ministries are then asked on their networks to verify the connection between organizations and ministries. Afterwards the democratic framing of organizations and ministries is compared to see whether more interaction causes similar framing. Finally, the results of the analysis show mechanisms that influence framing and wider policies. Different possibilities for influence, be it direct effects or mediated indirect effects via the media, organizational or coalitional influence orient the thesis. The research is based on interviews with movement leaders and higher-level civil servants in ministries as well as organizational documents and media analysis. The research shows very specific influence, oriented towards concrete ministries. Personal contacts as well as institutionalized integration are useful to realize demands. The most effective interactions to promote a democratic framing exist between the Women Movement and the Ministry of Women and Family. Other interactions are found on a continuum between very restricted to no interaction and more intense interactions. There is not one democratic framing but several ones with different orientation.

The sudden end of the Ben Ali regime in January 2011 led to a change towards a democratic political system in Tunisia. While researchers acknowledge the importance of social movements for the initial protests, there is no systematic proof of civil society influence on the Tunisian state. The thesis takes this blind spot and looks at the mechanisms by which civil society can have ideational influence. As the role of civil society for democracy and democratization is often discussed, the thesis asks how organizations perceive democracy and whether they diffuse a democratic framing towards the state. Organizational networks are analyzed to see who works with whom and which ministries are approached. These ministries are then asked on their networks to verify the connection between organizations and ministries. Afterwards the democratic framing of organizations and ministries is compared to see whether more interaction causes similar framing. Finally, the results of the analysis show mechanisms that influence framing and wider policies. Different possibilities for influence, be it direct effects or mediated indirect effects via the media, organizational or coalitional influence orient the thesis. The research is based on interviews with movement leaders and higher-level civil servants in ministries as well as organizational documents and media analysis. The research shows very specific influence, oriented towards concrete ministries. Personal contacts as well as institutionalized integration are useful to realize demands. The most effective interactions to promote a democratic framing exist between the Women Movement and the Ministry of Women and Family. Other interactions are found on a continuum between very restricted to no interaction and more intense interactions. There is not one democratic framing but several ones with different orientation. -- La fin soudaine du régime de Ben Ali en janvier 2011 a entraîné un changement vers un système politique démocratique en Tunisie. Bien que les chercheurs reconnaissent ...

The article examines globalization according to trade logics based on the economic models of Adam Smith & David Ricardo. The Smithean model emphasizes trade specialization; the Ricardan model is based on differences. Smithean logic bolsters market extension more efficiently than does Ricardan logic, despite neoclassical economists' propensity toward the latter. The two systems also reveal differing empirical & epistemological perspectives relevant to policy & political choices concerning global markets (eg, immigration, national identity, & compensation for displaced domestic workers). The distinction between the two logics has implications for democracy itself, since Smith presupposes economic equality among all citizens, whereas Ricardo presupposes disparities. 2 References. K. Coddon

"Framed is a wake-up call for those who think that race does not matter in Canada. Pushing the field of Canadian political science in new directions, this groundbreaking work combines an empirical analysis of print media with in-depth interviews of elected officials, former candidates, political staffers, and journalists to reveal the connections between race, media coverage, and politics in Canada. As Erin Tolley shows, overt racism rarely occurs on the pages of Canadian newspapers, but assumptions about race and diversity often influence media coverage. Consequently, as reporters go about selecting which political issues and events to cover, who to quote, and how to frame stories to make them resonate with the public, they give visible minorities less prominent and more negative media coverage than their white counterparts. Further, visible minority politicians are more likely to be portrayed as products of their socio-demographic backgrounds, as uninterested in pressing policy issues, and as less electorally viable. The resulting news coverage weakens Canada's commitment to a robust, inclusive democracy. The problem is systemic, but Tolley offers recommendations to politicians, pundits, journalists, and the public for challenging the racial assumptions that underpin news coverage. By drawing attention to the ways in which race continues to matter, this book provides a new foundation for thinking about diversity and equality in Canada."--

This paper is an interrogation of the relationship between democracy and ethnic identity politics in Sikkim, Darjeeling and east Nepal and proposes that ethnic politics represents a regionally speci c form of democracy. The paper discusses the way that socio-economic grievances are transformed into ethnic grievances in order to facilitate political mobilization and deeper engagement with the state. In this process, discussions and debates are framed around ethnicity but are presented and deliberated within state approved democratic practices. In the eastern Himalaya, ethnic identity is one of the most important and powerful bases for political mobilization and while its ability to attain desired political outcomes is debatable, what ethnic politics has led to is the further entrenchment of democracy in the region.

This study unpacks the key frames and sources used by the South African print media in their coverage of the 'service delivery protests' in 2013. It explores how the frames are linked to each other, how the sources link to each other, and how the frames and sources correlate. The study focuses on print media sources as catalogued in the SA Media database, identifies the most prevalent frames and sources used, and using a hierarchical cluster analysis identifies how frames are related to each other, how sources are related to each other, and how frames and sources correlate. The study found that the most prevalent frames on 'service delivery protests' used by the South African print media in 2013 were the war/spectacle frame and the failed democracy frame, followed by the law/crime frame, all of which serve to delegitimise service delivery protests. Local government and police sources were most prevalent. The study suggests that there is still contestation about the kinds of spaces citizens should use for political engagement, and contestation about how power operates at local government level. The media also implies that the South African state is failing, and suggests remedies for these failings.

This is a qualitative exploratory, descriptive study to ascertain the feasibility of public administrators at the local government level using an Appreciative Inquiry approach to increase direct citizen participation. It is framed by the interpretive paradigm. Twenty city managers or their designees from cities of between 40,000 and 250,000 citizens were interviewed. Specifically, respondents were asked twelve semi-structured interview questions. Content analysis was used to identify six themes in the data. Ultimately, this study found that Appreciative Inquiry may be useful in limited circumstances as long as barriers to implementation were adequately addressed. However, the potential risks may outweigh the benefits. ; Ph. D.

International audience ; This introduction to the dossier offers an overview of the different relationships between neoliberalism and democracy. After defining the concept of neoliberalism we develop a typology of the relations between neoliberalism and democracy, highlighting (i) an opposition of neoliberals to a certain concept of democracy, understood as popular sovereignty, (ii) a defense of a limited and framed democracy, taking the form of a constitutional democracy, and finally (iii) a defense of the normative ideal of individual sovereignty realized in the market as converging with the concept of democracy. This introduction therefore proposes a survey of contemporary research in the field, but also contributes to clarifying the issues at stake. Finally, we present the dossier and how the contributions fit into our typology.

International audience ; This introduction to the dossier offers an overview of the different relationships between neoliberalism and democracy. After defining the concept of neoliberalism we develop a typology of the relations between neoliberalism and democracy, highlighting (i) an opposition of neoliberals to a certain concept of democracy, understood as popular sovereignty, (ii) a defense of a limited and framed democracy, taking the form of a constitutional democracy, and finally (iii) a defense of the normative ideal of individual sovereignty realized in the market as converging with the concept of democracy. This introduction therefore proposes a survey of contemporary research in the field, but also contributes to clarifying the issues at stake. Finally, we present the dossier and how the contributions fit into our typology.

International audience ; This introduction to the dossier offers an overview of the different relationships between neoliberalism and democracy. After defining the concept of neoliberalism we develop a typology of the relations between neoliberalism and democracy, highlighting (i) an opposition of neoliberals to a certain concept of democracy, understood as popular sovereignty, (ii) a defense of a limited and framed democracy, taking the form of a constitutional democracy, and finally (iii) a defense of the normative ideal of individual sovereignty realized in the market as converging with the concept of democracy. This introduction therefore proposes a survey of contemporary research in the field, but also contributes to clarifying the issues at stake. Finally, we present the dossier and how the contributions fit into our typology.

International audience ; This introduction to the dossier offers an overview of the different relationships between neoliberalism and democracy. After defining the concept of neoliberalism we develop a typology of the relations between neoliberalism and democracy, highlighting (i) an opposition of neoliberals to a certain concept of democracy, understood as popular sovereignty, (ii) a defense of a limited and framed democracy, taking the form of a constitutional democracy, and finally (iii) a defense of the normative ideal of individual sovereignty realized in the market as converging with the concept of democracy. This introduction therefore proposes a survey of contemporary research in the field, but also contributes to clarifying the issues at stake. Finally, we present the dossier and how the contributions fit into our typology.

How can democracy be suitably formulated in face of the more global character of contemporary society? Modern ideas and practices of 'people's rule' (whether in a statist or a cosmopolitan mode) fall short as frameworks for global democracy. Statist approaches to global democracy have a host of behavioural, institutional, historical and cultural problems. Modern cosmopolitan approaches do better in addressing contemporary social changes, but are deficient in terms of their globalist tendencies, often oversimplified notions of political identity, limited cultural reflexivity, usually tame responses to resource inequalities and anthropocentrism. To address these shortcomings one might explore an alternative of 'postmodern global democracies' built around principles of transscalarity, plural solidarities, transculturality, egalitarian distribution and more ecologically framed ideas of political rights and duties. [Reprinted by permission; copyright Sage Publications Ltd. & ECPR-European Consortium for Political Research.]