Suchergebnisse

AbstractThe study of sanctioning effects has a rich history in deterrence and labeling theory. Most analyses have only used official data to study these effects. Yet, some more recent studies indicate that it is necessary to investigate self-reported as well as official data since it appears that sanctioning has differential effects on self-reported delinquency and formal control interventions. The current study contributes to this small body of research by using propensity score matching to analyze panel data from an ongoing English (Peterborough Adolescent and Young Adult Developmental Study) and a German (Crime in the modern City) study. We estimated average treatment effects of system contacts on both reoffending and subsequent contacts for juveniles living in Peterborough (ENG) and Duisburg (GER). Our findings are that (1) although official contacts have no substantial effects on the prevalence or versatility of reoffending, (2) they substantially increase the risk of a future formal contact. These results were almost identical at both sites, which may indicate a more general finding on the effects of formal control interventions.

In this article, a framework is provided for analyzing conditions that lead to positive or negative relations between trustworthiness and formal control in the context of manager-subordinate relationships, a domain often discussed controversially in the literature. In analyzing the relationship between managerial formal control and subordinates' trustworthiness, the author draws on self-determination theory. Self-determination theory is useful in showing how to link characteristics of organizational regulation (i.e., managerial formal control) with individual intentions (i.e., subordinates' intentions to behave in a trustworthy fashion). Subsequently, empirical findings related to formal control and trustworthiness are integrated into this framework to deduce a set of propositions that can be tested in the future.

El presente artículo pretende analizar las políticas de inclusión en Uruguay como un mecanismo de gestión en la mejora de los procesos educativos. El estudio de las formas y procedimientos de gobierno en una etapa que se desvela crucial en la retención y el retorno de un colectivo cada vez más significativo de jóvenes constituye el escenario de trabajo para explorar sistemas de control alternativos a los modelos de mercado. A pesar de las debilidades y contradicciones que en materia de política educativa encierran las estructuras de gestión de la educación secundaria uruguaya, el desarrollo de actuaciones de inclusión abre una línea de trabajo que está en contraposición a los preceptos de la globalización y nos ayuda a repensar nuevas formas de dirección y administración pedagógica. El texto encierra la idea de que frente a las estrategias de gobierno que se adoptan en el marco de la economía global, Uruguay las interpreta y reformula en otra dirección. Este trabajo de investigación expone el análisis de las posibilidades educativas que ofrecen los órganos de gobierno en países en los que, como Uruguay, los mecanismos de poder están muy influenciados por la determinación que han alcanzado las políticas de igualdad ; The present article is an attempt to analyze inclusion policies in Uruguay as a management mechanism for the improvement of educational processes. Study of governance forms and procedures at a stage that is turning out to be crucial in retaining and attracting back an ever more important group of young people constitutes our working scenario for exploring alternative systems to market models. Despite the weaknesses and contradictions that the management structures of Uruguayan secondary education have in regard to educational policy, the development of inclusion actions opens a way of doing things that is counterpoised to the precepts of globalization and helps us to rethink new forms of pedagogical direction and management. The idea is that in contrast to the management strategies adopted in the framework of a global economy, Uruguay is interpreting them and reformulating them in another direction. This research presents the analysis of the educational possibilities offered by the government agencies in countries that, such as Uruguay, the mechanisms of power are greatly influenced by the determination that the equality policies have achieved

Purpose
This paper aims to investigate the antecedents of manufacturing firms' long-term orientation towards their suppliers in the context of outsourcing relationships in China.


Design/methodology/approach
Based on survey data collected from 224 manufacturing firms in China, this study examines the hypothesized relationships.


Findings
The results show that task conflict has a negative effect on long-term orientation, both Chinese guanxi and formal control are useful governance mechanisms to enhance long-term orientation, and the negative effect of task conflict on the long-term orientation weakens as Chinese guanxi between a manufacturer and its supplier increases.


Originality/value
This study contributes to a better understanding of conflict management in outsourcing relationships in China.

The role of informal social controls and their sanctions are still given little attention in crime prevention field. Some people still regard fighting and preventing crime as the work of the government and its agencies. This paper provides insight into the extent to which residents of Site B in Khayelitsha township take initiative to fight and prevent criminal activities in their area using informal social controls. Qualitative analysis was used to analyse the data collected from various categories of participants including ordinary residents, community police officers, community leaders and representatives of anti-crime organisations. Results indicate that the residents are reluctant to sanction offenders informally as a result of a high level of individualism among the residents. Some residents do not practise informal social controls because they fear to be arrested for sanctioning criminals and other offenders. This suggests that informal social controls conflict with formal sanctions rather than supporting and supplementing each other. However, individualism and lack of solidarity among residents of Site B were found to be the major cause of weak informal social controls. ; http://www.mcser.org/journal/index.php/mjss/article/view/457/487 ; http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n3p121

AbstractThis study reviews the literature concerning the general impact of the physical environment on social disorganization, crime, and juvenile delinquency, with a specific focus on the relationship between household density, building density‐design, and juvenile delinquency. Two perspectives on control are shown to have developed in an environmental context. One emphasizes the capacity of the built environment to impair informal social control, and the other focuses on the attraction of the same environments for agents of formal social control (the police). A path model is presented. showing that building density‐design is an independent predictor of marijuana use and supporting the view that the physical environment can affect informal control. The model also shows that building density‐design is a significant predictor of police presence. thus giving empirical support to the notion that the physical environment can affect formal control.

This article examines formal and informal decision criteria used by organizational decision-makers when making potentially controversial, legitimacy-relating decisions that could damage trust. Two experimental studies found consistent patterns of persistent use of formal controls and reduced use of informal controls under higher levels of perceived threat to trust. Institutional theory is consistent with the proposition that increased use of legitimated control uniformly enhances trust. In contrast, this article posits and finds support for an attenuated legalistic institutional proposition that increased use of even legitimated control can predictably foster, or undermine, trust - but such predictions can be made only if we systematically distinguish formal and informal control. Results suggest institutional pressures manifest at the individual level provide a complementary focus to macro-organizational institutionalization.

This paper argues in favor of the principle theory of fundamental rights. It is an elaborated reaction against those objections considering the theory not being able to determine the appropriate relation between fundamental rights, constitutional control, and democracy. According to the author, in order to construct an adequate theory of legislative discretion, we must analyze the role that formal principles play in balancing. As a methodological instrument, the author defends an «epistemic model» for the balancing of formal and substantial principles. This model should be considered between the so called «pure substantial-formal model» and «a combined model». The base of this model is to be found in the idea of second order balancing, incorporating the variable of epistemic fidelity in the weight formula. ; En este trabajo se defiende la teoría principialista de los derechos fundamentales de las críticas que la acusan de ser incapaz de determinar de forma adecuada la relación entre los derechos fundamentales y el control constitucional, con la democracia. Para llegar a una adecuada teoría de la discrecionalidad legislativa, se necesita analizar el papel de los principios formales en la ponderación. Para ello se defiende un «modelo epistémico» de ponderación entre principios formales y sustanciales que se situaría entre el llamado «modelo sustancial-formal puro» y el «modelo combinado», y que se fundamentaría en la idea de ponderación de segundo orden, incorporando la fiabilidad epistémica en la fórmula del peso.

En este trabajo se defiende la teoría principialista de los derechos fundamentales de las críticas que la acusan de ser incapaz de determinar de forma adecuada la relación entre los derechos fundamentales y el control constitucional, con la democracia. Para llegar a una adecuada teoría de la discrecionalidad legislativa, se necesita analizar el papel de los principios formales en la ponderación. Para ello se defiende un «modelo epistémico» de ponderación entre principios formales y sustanciales que se situaría entre el llamado «modelo sustancial-formal puro» y el «modelo combinado», y que se fundamentaría en la idea de ponderación de segundo orden, incorporando la fiabilidad epistémica en la fórmula del peso. ; This paper argues in favor of the principle theory of fundamental rights. It is an elaborated reaction against those objections considering the theory not being able to determine the appropriate relation between fundamental rights, constitutional control, and democracy. According to the author, in order to construct an adequate theory of legislative discretion, we must analyze the role that formal principles play in balancing. As a methodological instrument, the author defends an «epistemic model» for the balancing of formal and substantial principles. This model should be considered between the so called «pure substantial-formal model» and «a combined model». The base of this model is to be found in the idea of second order balancing, incorporating the variable of epistemic fidelity in the weight formula.