Suchergebnisse

The fact that the United Nations (UN) Trafficking Protocol is not an autochthonous product of the Brazilian political system has resulted in its being brought into that system as a 'floating signifier': something that does not point to any actual object or agreed upon meaning.[1] People who wish to criminalise prostitution have attempted to bend the Protocol in that direction while prostitutes' rights groups have used it to critique current Brazilian laws, emphasising the need to distinguish migration for voluntary, consensual sex work from trafficking. Groups concerned with organ trafficking (a crime for which there are practically no proven cases in Brazil) have managed to push their banner to the fore in the trafficking debate. Meanwhile, Brazil's long-established and relatively successful anti-slave labour movement has been loath to 'change their brand', having already gained a considerable degree of institutionalisation prior to Brazil's ratification of the Protocol in 2004.[1] C Lévi-Strauss, 'Introduction à l'oeuvre de Marcel Mauss' in Mauss, Sociologie et Anthropologie, Paris, 1950.

The fact that the United Nations (UN) Trafficking Protocol is not an autochthonous product of the Brazilian political system has resulted in its being brought into that system as a 'floating signifier': something that does not point to any actual object or agreed upon meaning.[1] People who wish to criminalise prostitution have attempted to bend the Protocol in that direction while prostitutes' rights groups have used it to critique current Brazilian laws, emphasising the need to distinguish migration for voluntary, consensual sex work from trafficking. Groups concerned with organ trafficking (a crime for which there are practically no proven cases in Brazil) have managed to push their banner to the fore in the trafficking debate. Meanwhile, Brazil's long-established and relatively successful anti-slave labour movement has been loath to 'change their brand', having already gained a considerable degree of institutionalisation prior to Brazil's ratification of the Protocol in 2004.[1] C Lévi-Strauss, 'Introduction à l'oeuvre de Marcel Mauss' in Mauss, Sociologie et Anthropologie, Paris, 1950.

'Fake news' has emerged as a global buzzword. While prominent media outlets, such as The New York Times, CNN, and CBS, have used the term to designate misleading information spread through websites, President Donald Trump has recently used the term as a negative designation of these very 'mainstream media'. In this article, we argue that the concept of 'fake news' has become an important component in contemporary political struggles. We showcase how the term is utilised by different positions within the social space as a means of discrediting, attacking and delegitimising political opponents. Excavating three central moments within the construction of 'fake news', we argue that the term has increasingly become a 'floating signifier': a signifier lodged in-between different hegemonic projects seeking to provide an image of how society is and ought to be structured. By approaching 'fake news' from the viewpoint of discourse theory, the paper reframes the current stakes of the debate and contributes with new insights into the function and consequences of 'fake news' as a novel political category.

'Fake news' has emerged as a global buzzword. While prominent media outlets, such as The New York Times, CNN, and CBS, have used the term to designate misleading information spread through websites, President Donald Trump has recently used the term as a negative designation of these very 'mainstream media'. In this article, we argue that the concept of 'fake news' has become an important component in contemporary political struggles. We showcase how the term is utilised by different positions within the social space as a means of discrediting, attacking and delegitimising political opponents. Excavating three central moments within the construction of 'fake news', we argue that the term has increasingly become a 'floating signifier': a signifier lodged in-between different hegemonic projects seeking to provide an image of how society is and ought to be structured. By approaching 'fake news' from the viewpoint of discourse theory, the paper reframes the current stakes of the debate and contributes with new insights into the function and consequences of 'fake news' as a novel political category. ; "Fake news" has emerged as a global buzzword. While prominent media outlets, such as The New York Times, CNN, and Buzzfeed News, have used the term to designate misleading information spread online, President Donald Trump has used the term as a negative desig- nation of these very "mainstream media." In this article, we argue that the concept of "fake news" has become an important component in contemporary political struggles. We show- case how the term is utilised by different positions within the social space as means of dis- crediting, attacking and delegitimising political opponents. Excavating three central moments within the construction of "fake news," we argue that the term has increasingly become a "floating signifier": a signifier lodged in-between different hegemonic projects seeking to provide an image of how society is and ought to be structured. By approaching "fake news" from the viewpoint of discourse theory, the paper reframes the current stakes of the debate and contributes with new insights into the function and consequences of "fake news" as a novel political category.

Ever since global governance was introduced to the discipline of International Relations (IR), it has been criticised for its conceptual vagueness and ambiguity. In fact, how to even speak and think global governance – whether as a mere description of world politics, as a theoretical perspective to explain it, or as a normative notion to be realised through global policy – remains unclear. The article argues that this confusion exists not because of a lack of debate but rather because of the multiple understandings of global governance that are continuously advanced and implicitly reproduced within these debates. These different, partially overlapping and partially contradicting understandings constitute global governance as a 'floating signifier'. It is argued that precisely because of this, global governance has obtained its 'celebrity status' within and beyond IR. Advancing a singular definition of global governance thus appears to be an arbitrary exercise as well as unnecessary disciplining. Rather than reducing global governance to a singular meaning, the debate in and of global governance would benefit from more self-reflected awareness as to when and how different concepts and understandings of it are invoked. To provide a framework for this, the article structures the different meanings of global governance by offering a taxonomy of different global governance applications.

The wide-ranging European perspectives collected here aim to analyse, by means of an interdisciplinary approach, the numerous implications of a massive shift in the conception of "work" and the category of "worker." Economic crisis and digitalization have exacerbated a crisis in those categories of thought and political action that previously allowed us to discuss-and problematize-vulnerability in employment in terms of unfairness, inequality, and inadequate protection. Engaging with the deconstruction of traditional employment as a central category for theorizing the phenomenon of work, this volume explores the new semantic fields and territories that have become available for theorising, understanding, and regulating employment. These new linguistic categories have implications beyond language alone: they produce a reformulation of the conventional wisdom concerning the whole category of waged employment (aspects previously taken for granted as to the meaning of work and of being "a worker"), as well as other closely associated categories such as unemployment, self-employment, or inactivity

AbstractThe COVID-19 pandemic continues to affect prisons internationally. Existing research focuses on infection data, meaning we do not fully understand how COVID-19 shapes frontline prison dynamics. We draw on qualitative interviews with 21 Canadian federal correctional officers, exploring how the pandemic impacted prison management. Officers suggested inconsistent messaging around COVID-19 protocols reduced institutional and officers' self-legitimacy, fracturing trust relationships with incarcerated people. Furthermore, officers suggest that personal protective equipment such as gowns and face shields took on multiple meanings. We use Lévi-Strauss' floating signifier concept to analyse how individual definitions of 'safety' informed day-to-day prison routines. We conclude by arguing that legitimacy deficits and contested definitions of 'safety' will continue to create uncertainty, impacting prison operations going forward.

This paper addresses the issue of political cartooning during Italian fascism, with specific reference to the role of women, as it is symbolised in the cartoons (i.e.the woman-mother/care-taker/fascist/worker). The latter will be revealed through a careful study of the contradictions generated by fascism and the representation of this 'New Woman' in political satire. The caricatures I will examine belong strictly to the Left discourse. They received high circulation figures and characterised Italy's popular culture during the 1920's. Whilst fascism did not provide any space for women to join the high ranks of the PNF (Partito Nazionale Fascista), the Left similarly did not provide any emancipatory discourse equal to a feminist one. Hence, at this stage women are engaged to different role-positions, which do not differentiate in party politics, but are more deeply embedded in the social spectrum of the society. In order to explain this contradiction, I will employ Ernesto Laclau's concept of the 'floating signifier' for my analysis. I will begin with a presentation of discourse theory with specific reference to the 'floating signifier.' Following that, I will present a historical background and then turn to a series of examples.

This ethnographic account chronicles the journey of one of the largest anti-government protests since India's independence. It examines the pivotal role of students—initially activists and then first-time participants—in crystallizing challenges to the ruling dispensation, not only by opposing it directly, but through subverting its way of claiming representation. More specifically, it is the strategic reuse of the pervasive anti-institutional and anti-elite discourse at the top—while replacing its majoritarianism with inclusiveness—that enabled protesters to disembody the populist modality of the current Indian Prime Minister. Protesters' short-lived success was achieved through an enactment of the popular, embodied in a diffused fashion by faceless, peaceful and feminized protesting masses. The popular successfully appropriated the claim to be the people through invoking a 'derivative' nationalist repertoire in part shared by the government, emptying its anti-minorities subtext through appropriating floating signifiers of patriotic belonging such as the Indian constitution, the flag and the anthem. By engaging on how relatively small communities of politicized students used the campus ecology and its neighbouring spaces as territorial and ideational nodal points for the mobilization of less politicized cohorts, the article underlines their significance in the political articulation of dissent in contemporary Indian democracy.

The Energy Union, a major energy sector reform project launched by the European Commission in 2015, has substantial clean energy and climate aims. However, scholarly caution has been raised about their feasibility, especially with regards to accommodating climate objectives with other closely related yet often competing policy goals. We therefore investigated the policy priorities of the Energy Union by performing a topic modelling analysis of over 5,000 policy documents. A big data analysis confirms that decarbonisation and energy efficiency dimensions are major building blocks in the Energy Union's agenda. Furthermore, there are signals of policy convergence in terms of climate security and climate affordability policies. However, our analysis also suggests that the Commission is not actively prescribing trajectories for renewable policy development or paying close attention to declining incumbent energy generation technologies. Overall, we find that the Energy Union is not a 'floating signifier' but rather has a clear and incrementally evolving decarbonisation agenda. Whether it further develops into an active driver of decarbonisation will largely be determined by the implementation phase of the project.

The Energy Union, a major energy sector reform project launched by the European Commission in 2015, has substantial clean energy and climate aims. However, scholarly caution has been raised about their feasibility, especially with regards to accommodating climate objectives with other closely related yet often competing policy goals. We therefore investigate the policy priorities of the Energy Union by performing a topic modelling analysis of over 5,000 policy documents. A big data analysis confirms that decarbonisation and energy efficiency dimensions are major building blocks in the Energy Union's agenda. Furthermore, there are signals of policy convergence in terms of climate security and climate affordability policies. However, our analysis also suggests that the Commission is not actively prescribing trajectories for renewable energy development or paying close attention to declining incumbent energy generation technologies. Overall, we find that the Energy Union is not a 'floating signifier' but rather has a clear and incrementally evolving decarbonisation agenda. Whether it further develops into an active driver of decarbonisation will largely be determined by the implementation phase of the project. ; Peer reviewed

According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the words 'populism' and 'populist' first came into use in the late nineteenth century United States, as a description of the politics of the People's Party.[i] This initial phase of the term's use is one of the few times in its history when it has not been an empty or floating signifier, a term coined by Claude Levi-Strauss in 1950[ii]. In simple terms, this refers to a word, phrase or symbol which contains no intrinsic meaning, but to which a range of meanings may be attributed by different speakers.[iii] [i] Shorter Oxford English Dictionary (2002) Oxford University Press, 2286 [ii] Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1987) Introduction to Marcel Mauss, London: Routledge, 63-64. [iii] Chandler, Daniel(2017) Semiotics for Beginners available in full at http://visual-memory.co.uk/daniel/Documents/S4B/sem02a.html

In another paper in this special issue, we explored how the sharing economy was understood and promoted by researchers in Japan and Sweden, respectively. In this second paper, which is based on two separate archival studies, we proceed by focusing on how the concept is used and understood in the political sphere by politicians and policymakers in the two contexts. On a general level, the sharing economy is understood as an economic model based on the acquisition, provision, and sharing of goods and services, facilitated by digital platforms. This study concludes that within the political spheres in Japan and Sweden there are, however, many different more specific understandings of and assumptions related to the concept. For example, the sharing economy is primarily promoted as a tool for economic revitalization and growth in Japan, while in Sweden its environmental benefits are emphasized. In Japan, there seems to be more consensus around what the sharing economy is, what its main effects are, and how it should be promoted. In Sweden, political parties instead advance different understandings of, and assumptions related to, the sharing economy to advance their political agendas. While the concept has been successfully translated in Japan by powerful political institutions and actors, we argue that the concept remains open to many different interpretations in Sweden.