Suchergebnisse

The potential of flexible retirement will not be realised until the fear of substantial income loss is allayed. At present, for people looking at flexible retirement options, the occupational pension is not the vehicle to use, as the SFO (Superannuation Funds Office) does not look favourably on those planning in advance to wind down their career gradually insisting, as it does, that a fixed retirement age constitutes part of the scheme. Norman Fowler's consultative document on Personal Pensions (1984) aims to encourage more take‐up of occupational schemes through the individual being given freedom to choose the type of benefits suiting individual needs; in effect, this will allow people to contract out of the State earnings‐related scheme. Greater attention needs to be given to training trade union representatives in pension matters — many, at the moment, being expected to discuss very complex issues with little or no training.

AbstractSocio-economic circumstances influence later-life employment participation, which may take different forms as retirement processes are complex. We aimed to explore the diverse effects of various socio-economic sub-domains on pre- and post-retirement employment. We used Finnish register data to examine socio-economic predictors of time to retirement (i.e.receiving the statutory pension) using Cox regression analysis and on time spent in post-retirement employment using repeated negative binomial regression analysis over a follow-up between the ages of 63 and 68,i.e.the flexible pension age range. An average wage earner still employed at age 62 spent 13.5 months in pre-retirement employment (this corresponds to time to retirement) and 4.8 months in post-retirement employment. Those with tertiary education retired later, but the educational differences in the total time spent in employment were small when post-retirement employment was also considered. There was little variation in the timing of retirement by household income, but those in the highest quintile spent the longest time in post-retirement employment. Upper non-manual employees, home renters and those with high household debt retired later, and those with high household debt also spent a longer time in post-retirement employment. In a national flexible pension age system, high occupational class and household income thus appear to encourage either later retirement or participation in post-retirement employment. However, economic constraints also appear to necessitate continued employment.

This paper analyzes the reform of the pensionable age as an answer to the future financing problems of public pension systems. We use a two-staged model where, first, the government decides the redistribution level of the pension system and, secondly, individuals face a voting process on the legal retirement age. The results suggest that governments attempting to postpone the legal retirement age should increase the degree of intra-generational redistribution of the pension system in order to make the reform aimed at more easily achievable. More importantly, the most productive individuals could support some degree of redistribution to that aim.

The Finnish pension reform of 2005 introduced the concept of a flexible retirement age. Drawing upon a longitudinal study of older Finnish employees, this article examines the extent to which individual propensity to delay retirement is influenced by choice or by chance, and examines the effects of the interplay between chances and choices in affecting longevity of employment. The results suggest that the flexibility in the organisation of the end of the working life is biased towards the better off. They also show that the interplay of choice and chance in the retirement process is firmly tied to the existing age-arrangements and economic trends. The conclusions examine the implication of these findings for divergent routes towards late retirement.

Abstract
The aims of this study were to explore patterns of work and retirement of Finnish employees and self-employed persons in a pension system with a flexible old-age retirement age and how income develops in these patterns. We used individual-level register data from Statistics Finland of the total Finnish birth cohort born in 1949. The cohort was 62–70 years old over the study period 2011–2019. Sequence and cluster analyses were used to identify typical trajectories of individuals' transitions in and out of salaried work and self-employment and work in old-age retirement. Our analysis yielded a ten-cluster solution: four clusters were found for employees who did not continue working in retirement (62%), four clusters for those employees who continued working in retirement (26%), and two clusters for the self-employed (12%). The clusters differed by the timing of retirement. The results showed that employees who retired earlier on an old-age pension and who were not working afterwards had lower incomes. Their incomes also decreased after old-age retirement. Employees who worked for several years in retirement had higher incomes which remained stable between the ages of 62 and 70. We found two types of self-employed persons: those who continued working in retirement with high incomes and those who stopped working earlier and had lower incomes. The results indicate that inequalities between lower and higher income groups might become exacerbated in a flexible retirement system.

In many countries economic and social concerns associated with ageing populations have focused attention onto flexible forms of working as key to encouraging people to work longer and delay retirement. This article argues that there has been a remarkable lack of attention paid to the role of gender in extending working lives and contends that this gap has arisen because of two, inter-related, oversights: little consideration of relationships between gender and flexible working beyond the child-caring phase of life; and the prevailing tendency to think of end of working life and retirement as gender-neutral or following a typical male trajectory. The findings of a qualitative study of people aged 50+ in the UK challenge some of the key assumptions underpinning the utility of flexible work in extending working lives, and provide insight into the ways in which working in later life is constructed and enacted differently for men and women.

Einstellung von älteren Arbeitnehmern in Nordrhein-Westfalen
zur Vorverlegung der flexiblen Altersgrenze auf das 60.
Lebensjahr bei Männern bzw. das 58. Lebensjahr bei Frauen. Die
derzeitige Arbeitssituation und Vorstellungen über das Leben
im Ruhestand.

Themen: Wegezeiten zum Arbeitsplatz; Teilnahme an Umschulungs- und
Weiterbildungsmaßnahmen; innerbetrieblicher
Arbeitsplatzwechsel und Gründe für diesen Wechsel; vermuteter Einfluß
des Alters auf den letzten Arbeitsplatzwechsel; finanzielle
Einbußen dadurch; Beurteilung der Arbeitsplatzsicherheit und
der eigenen beruflichen Zukunft; Arbeitszufriedenheit;
Charakterisierung der Arbeitsplatzanforderungen; Verhältnis zu den
Kollegen; Einschätzung des eigenen Gesundheitszustandes;
Arztkontakte; Krankheitshäufigkeit und Behinderungen; Vorstellungen
über den Ruhestand; vermutete angenehme und unangenehme Seiten
des Ruhestands; Erfahrungen von Bekannten oder Verwandten mit
der Zeit im Ruhestand; Einschätzung der finanziellen Situation
nach Pensionierung; Einschätzung des gewünschten
Berufsaustrittsalters der Kollegen; Häufigkeit der Nutzung der flexiblen
Altersgrenze im Betrieb und vermutete Gründe dafür; eigenes
Interesse an der Inanspruchnahme der flexiblen Altersgrenze;
geplante Weiterbeschäftigung nach Erreichung der Altersgrenze;
Einstellung zu einem früheren Berufsaustritt bei entsprechender
Rentenkürzung bzw. Erhöhung der Rentenversicherungsbeiträge;
Bewertung verschiedener Vorschläge zur Verbesserung der Situation
älterer Arbeitnehmer; präferierte Arbeitszeitverkürzung;
vermutete Einstellung der Betriebsleitung zum vorzeitigen
Berufsaustritt; Entlassungsaktionen und Sozialplan in der Firma;
monatliche finanzielle Belastungen.

Demographie: Alter; Geschlecht; Alter des Ehepartners; Familienstand;
Konfession; Schulbildung; Berufsausbildung; berufliche Position; Beruf
des Ehepartners; Einkommen; Haushaltszusammensetzung; Wohnsituation;
Urbanisierungsgrad; Ortsgröße; Länge der Berufstätigkeit.

Interviewerrating: Interviewdauer und Schwierigkeiten beim
Interview.

Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Kreiskennziffer.