Suchergebnisse

According to the current constitutional provisions in force, the President of Romania has duties in regard to the naming of the Government, as he is the one who begins this procedure by appointing a candidate for the position of prime minister; the President is also the one who concludes this procedure, based on the vote of confidence granted by the Parliament. Considering these constitutional provisions, state practice, doctrine, jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court of Romania, but also the constitutional provisions of other states, we aim to analyze certain delicate aspects which occur in the exercise of these duties. We will appreciate on the existence or inexistence of a discretionary power of the head of state in the exercise of these duties. In this scientific endeavor, we will use specific methods of research, as is the comparative one, the logic one, the systemic and/or the teleological one.

The entry into force of the new Criminal Code brought back to the attention and discussion of legal practitioners and theoreticians the criteria that distinguish the continued offense from the concurrence of offenses. Although, subsequent to the Romanian Constitutional Court Decision no. 368/2017, it has practically returned to the existing regulation in the matter of the continued offense under the rule of the old Criminal Code, the concrete situations submitted to the attention of the courts continue to provoke theoretical controversies. This article aims to critically analyse the recent case law regarding the criteria considered by the courts when they delimit the existence of a concurrence of offenses or a single offense, in a continuous form.

Abstract
The article highlights the key moments during the evolution of the prefect institution in Romania and it analyses the recent proposals of reorganization that aim to transform the prefect statute from high ranked civil servant to dignitary.
In addition, the principle of deconcentration is detailed and a scenario of reforming the prefect institution is proposed, by analyzing the applicability of this principle within the administrative practice of Romania.
The article analyzes the duties of the prefect institution, the possibility of transferring them to other entities and the appropriateness of maintaining this institution.

The international trade for wide world countries in the means more growth, more jobs and access on more products at competitive prices. The European Union is a major economy and an important trading partner for many countries and regions in the world. To stimulate growth and to create jobs in the Union, this economy has concluded multilateral trade agreement (under the World Trade Organisation) and a number of bilateral (preferential) trade agreements. The aim of this paper is to present an example of fully elimination of tariffs and tariff lines under a bilateral trade agreement. In this case, we have analysed Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) negotiated by the European Union and Canada. For both sides of Atlantic, the CETA is supposed to bring the solution for today's issues concerning the important trading aspects and, also, to facilitate the EU-Canada bilateral trade by creating competition.

Utilizing socialist legislation, propaganda, and oral history interviews with urban women and men, this article explores how marital roles were refashioned in socialist Romania. Although the image of the idle husband and overburdened wife was perhaps more typical than not, family roles did undergo change over the course of socialist rule, evident in men's participation in household duties from food procurement to childcare. While related to women's increased economic autonomy and assertiveness within the home and the promotion of egalitarian family models, these changes were also rooted in the misapplication of socialist theory. Thus, the demands of labor force participation, combined with state failure to fully socialize childcare and substantially improve the material conditions of its subjects in some cases inadvertently fostered more equitable marital relations. By analyzing the diversity and fluidity of marital relations as well as the active engagement of women and men in reinforcing, challenging, or renegotiating family roles the article moves beyond the domineering husband/oppressed wife dichotomy toward a more nuanced understanding of marriage under state socialism.

In 1990, the Institute for Historical and Socio-Political Studies of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party was closed, since the Party was dissolved by the Romanian Revolution. Similar institutions had existed in all countries belonging to the Soviet bloc. This Institute was founded in 1951 under the name of the Party History Institute, and modelled on the Marx-Lenin-Engels Institute in Moscow. Since then, it served the Communist Party in producing thousands of books and journals on the history of the Party and of Romania, following Party orders. Previous research has portrayed the Institute as a loyal executioner of the Party's will, negating the agency of its history-writers in influencing the duties of the Institute. However, the recent opening of the Institute's archive has shown that a number of internal and previously obscured dynamics impacted on its activities. This book is dedicated to the study of the Party History Institute, of the history-writers employed there, and of the narratives they produced. By studying the history-writers and their host institution, this study re-contextualizes the historiography produced under Communist rule by analysing the actual conditions under which it was written: the interrelation between dynamics of control and the struggle for resources, power and positions play a fundamental role in this history. This is the first scholarly inquiry about a highly controversial institute that struggled in order to follow the constantly shifting Party narrative canon, while competing formaterial resources with rival Party and academic institutions. The main actors in this study are the history-writers: Party veterans, young propagandists and educated historians, in conflicting networks and groups, struggled in order to gain access to the limited resources and positions provided by the Party, and in order to survive the political changes imposed by the leadership. By doing so they succeed, on many occasions, to influence the activities of the Institute.

ABSTRACT: Abuse in service is, in the current legal system, a topic of interest, especially after the adoption of Decision no. 405 of June 15, 2016, pronounced by the Constitutional Court of Romania. It ruled that an act constitutes the crime of abuse of service only in so far as by the phrase "in a defective manner" we mean "in breach of the law." Through this decision, the Constitutional Court of Romania also ruled that the phrase "in violation of the law" implies that a person (suspect or defendant in a criminal case) violates a primary rule of law. By primary norm we mean Government Ordinance or law adopted by Parliament. No primary rules of law regulations, ministerial orders, duties in the job description in an employment contract. KEYWORDS: abuse of service, decision, Constitutional Court, primary legislation

Agresja Związku Sowieckiego na Polskę 17 września 1939 r. postawiła Królestwo Rumunii przed sprawą udzielenia jej pomocy, do której było zobligowane aliansem funkcjonującym od 1921 r. Kierownicy rumuńskiej nawy państwowej obawiali się podzielenia losu Rzeczypospolitej będącej ofiarą nie tylko ZSRR, ale broniącej się od przeszło dwóch tygodni przed napaścią III Rzeszy. Pragnąc uchronić swój kraj przed katastrofą poszukiwali sposobu uchylenia się od obowiązków sojuszniczych wobec Polski. Tymczasem polskie sfery rządzące w obliczu nieuchronnej klęski podjęły działania na rzecz przeniesienia politycznego kierownictwa państwa do Francji, chcąc u boku aliantów zachodnich kontynuować wojnę do zwycięskiego końca. Aby tam się znaleźć konieczne było uzyskanie od Rumunów zgody na przejazd do jednego z ich portów, by stamtąd móc kontynuować dalszą podróż. Zagrożenie inwazją sowiecką i niemiecką, sprawiało, iż władze w Bukareszcie korzystając z dość naciąganych powodów zdecydowały się na internowanie polskiej ekipy rządzącej. The aggression of the Soviet Union on Poland on 17 September 1939 faced the Kingdom of Romania with the matter of granting aid to Poland, to which it was obliged by an alliance from 1921 onwards. The heads of the Romanian state feared sharing the fate of the Polish Republic, which fell victim not only to the USSR, but had also been defending itself for more than two weeks against an assault by the Third Reich. Wishing to save their country from a catastrophe, they were looking for a way to evade their alliance duties towards Poland. Meanwhile, in the face of an imminent disaster, Polish leaders made steps to transfer the political leadership of the country to France, in order to continue fighting for victory alongside the Western allies. To move there, they needed to obtain an agreement from Romania to transfer to one of their ports, in order to be able to continue the journey. A threat of a Soviet and German invasion meant that the authorities in Bucharest, using rather far-fetched reasons, decided to intern the Polish government.

Agresja Związku Sowieckiego na Polskę 17 września 1939 r. postawiła Królestwo Rumunii przed sprawą udzielenia jej pomocy, do której było zobligowane aliansem funkcjonującym od 1921 r. Kierownicy rumuńskiej nawy państwowej obawiali się podzielenia losu Rzeczypospolitej będącej ofiarą nie tylko ZSRR, ale broniącej się od przeszło dwóch tygodni przed napaścią III Rzeszy. Pragnąc uchronić swój kraj przed katastrofą poszukiwali sposobu uchylenia się od obowiązków sojuszniczych wobec Polski. Tymczasem polskie sfery rządzące w obliczu nieuchronnej klęski podjęły działania na rzecz przeniesienia politycznego kierownictwa państwa do Francji, chcąc u boku aliantów zachodnich kontynuować wojnę do zwycięskiego końca. Aby tam się znaleźć konieczne było uzyskanie od Rumunów zgody na przejazd do jednego z ich portów, by stamtąd móc kontynuować dalszą podróż. Zagrożenie inwazją sowiecką i niemiecką, sprawiało, iż władze w Bukareszcie korzystając z dość naciąganych powodów zdecydowały się na internowanie polskiej ekipy rządzącej. The aggression of the Soviet Union on Poland on 17 September 1939 faced the Kingdom of Romania with the matter of granting aid to Poland, to which it was obliged by an alliance from 1921 onwards. The heads of the Romanian state feared sharing the fate of the Polish Republic, which fell victim not only to the USSR, but had also been defending itself for more than two weeks against an assault by the Third Reich. Wishing to save their country from a catastrophe, they were looking for a way to evade their alliance duties towards Poland. Meanwhile, in the face of an imminent disaster, Polish leaders made steps to transfer the political leadership of the country to France, in order to continue fighting for victory alongside the Western allies. To move there, they needed to obtain an agreement from Romania to transfer to one of their ports, in order to be able to continue the journey. A threat of a Soviet and German invasion meant that the authorities in Bucharest, using rather far-fetched reasons, decided to intern the Polish government.

This study reports on the implementation of the Council of Europe's "Tool for Quality Assurance of Education for Democratic Citizenship in Schools" in Romania. It was designed along the following questions: 1. Who organises the implementation project? What kind of agency or cooperation of agencies? 2. How is the agency financed? How was/is the project financed? Does the agency have any mandate by the state? How many persons are involved in the project on the side of the agency and what are their duties? 3. How do you find and select the participating schools? 4. What is offered to the schools in terms of training, supervision, financial support etc.? 5. Why do schools participate in the project? How is the decision to participate made on the school level? 6. Who is involved in the schools: All or a group of teachers? All or a group of students? Parents? Principals? What are the respective tasks of these people? How large is the workload? What chapters of the Tool are used by the schools? 7. How do schools deal with evaluation results gained from the project? Can you see consequences on the school level? 8. What do schools have to deliver to agencies? 9. What is the relevance or added value compared to national educational politics? 10. How is the project evaluated by the agency (or by other organisations)? How did the working procedures within the project change after evaluation of the first field trial? (DIPF/Orig.)

"Emerging viral or bacterial threats pose significant medical and ethical issues, caused not only by the management of the disease, but also by the uncontrolled dissemination of information, both true and fake. Even the most correct and impartially presented piece of information can be understood by the patients or by the public at large in ways that are opposite to those intended by the communicators. This, associated with the increased prevalence of fake news, may cause havoc and decrease the efficacy of the needed preventive measures that have to be taken to tackle the actual medical problem. Within the context of the coronavirus outbreak, this has been coined as "infodemic", increasing the difficulty of finding an optimal solution to the actual problem. Medical data about an emerging medical threat is disseminated through mass – and social media, especially by public authorities and physicians. The latter have specific duties, appertaining to their professional codes of morals, toward minimizing the harms generated by diseases, both at a personal and at a populational level. In infodemics, the management of the information they present to the public is extremely important, as each wording can be improperly interpreted and cause opposite effects. In this paper, we will discuss whether and which healthcare professionals should be involved in disseminating information about emerging healthcare threats, and which moral duties should prevail in these instances. "

Social life and fashion have not been the woman's only concerns at the end of the 19th and the late 20th century. Their contribution to modern society changes, by taking on new duties and liabilities will have a specific means of expression and for a better understanding of the activities they carried out it requires an overview, even a brief one over a few Oltenian women from the above-mentioned period. Seen only as a wife and mother, the woman makes her way into society being concerned with her own education, she takes part in financing arts and not only, and she engages in harnessing traditional clothing and crafts.

The aggression of the Soviet Union on Poland on 17 September 1939 faced the Kingdom of Romania with the matter of granting aid to Poland, to which it was obliged by an alliance from 1921 onwards. The heads of the Romanian state feared sharing the fate of the Polish Republic, which fell victim not only to the USSR, but had also been defending itself for more than two weeks against an assault by the Third Reich. Wishing to save their country from a catastrophe, they were looking for a way to evade their alliance duties towards Poland. Meanwhile, in the face of an imminent disaster, Polish leaders made steps to transfer the political leadership of the country to France, in order to continue fighting for victory alongside the Western allies. To move there, they needed to obtain an agreement from Romania to transfer to one of their ports, in order to be able to continue the journey. A threat of a Soviet and German invasion meant that the authorities in Bucharest, using rather far-fetched reasons, decided to intern the Polish government. ; Continues: Studia z Dziejów ZSRR i Europy Środkowej ; p. 111-128 ; Agresja Związku Sowieckiego na Polskę 17 września 1939 r. postawiła Królestwo Rumunii przed sprawą udzielenia jej pomocy, do której było zobligowane aliansem funkcjonującym od 1921 r. Kierownicy rumuńskiej nawy państwowej obawiali się podzielenia losu Rzeczypospolitej będącej ofiarą nie tylko ZSRR, ale broniącej się od przeszło dwóch tygodni przed napaścią III Rzeszy. Pragnąc uchronić swój kraj przed katastrofą poszukiwali sposobu uchylenia się od obowiązków sojuszniczych wobec Polski. Tymczasem polskie sfery rządzące w obliczu nieuchronnej klęski podjęły działania na rzecz przeniesienia politycznego kierownictwa państwa do Francji, chcąc u boku aliantów zachodnich kontynuować wojnę do zwycięskiego końca. Aby tam się znaleźć konieczne było uzyskanie od Rumunów zgody na przejazd do jednego z ich portów, by stamtąd móc kontynuować dalszą podróż. Zagrożenie inwazją sowiecką i niemiecką, sprawiało, iż władze w Bukareszcie korzystając z dość naciąganych powodów zdecydowały się na internowanie polskiej ekipy rządzącej. ; Czasop. kontynuuje numerację wydaw. pt.: Studia z Dziejów ZSRR i Europy Środkowej ; s. 111-128

The Romanian fiscal code has been adopted by Law 571/2003 and amended by Law 343/2006 modifying 263 issues of the initial Fiscal code, normative documents having as fundamental objectives: - adopting fiscal directives in the European Union legislation, perfecting and simplifying the legislative code in force; - harmonizing with the fiscal legislation of the European Union and international fiscal agreements Romania takes part in; - ensuring a unitary stable, coherent and clear code of the fiscal Regulations; Taxes and duties provided by this fiscal code are based on principles such as: neutrality of fiscal measures as compared to the type of property, categories of investors and capitals, the certitude of taxation by elaborating clear legal standards, fiscal equity of natural persons and the efficiency of taxation by ensuring a long term stability of Fiscal Code provisions. Good provision of such principles shall be achieved only by provision of Standards by Resolution and published in the Official Monitor. The current Romanian Fiscal Code is structured by 10 titles, each with its chapters, regulating the following taxes and duties:tax on profit, tax on income,tax on micro-companies income,tax on income obtained in Romania by non-residents,tax on representation, value added tax,excises, local tax and duties. Activities developed in agriculture display a series of particularitie, therefore to be necessary: -correct interpreting terms such as: "person" (any natural or legal person); "activity" (any activity developed by a person to obtain income); "independent activity" (any activity regularly developed by any natural person, other than a dependent activity); "tax payer" (any Romanian or foreign person developing their activity in Romania). -Any farming activities organised and developed in Romania by compliance of legal provisions in the matter, can be declared by the Fiscal Code at the Trade Register afterwards at the territorial Fiscal Administration by Declaration of fiscal registration (fiscal vector).

The presidential institution in the Romanian constitutional system has an important role in ensuring the guarantor of the . The President of Romania is part of the executive power and meets the essential prerogatives of this power. As a model for organizing the executive power, the Romanian constitution establishes the bicephalic model. According to this dualist model recipe, executive power is distributed evenly between the head of state and the Government.
In this article we will try to establish the legitimacy of the President of Romania to undertake exceptional measures. As such, the competence of the president also extends to exceptional measures in exceptional cases. Establishing exceptional competences in the president's duties ensures him a somewhat superior position in the executive's dualistic complex.