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The paper empirically explores the factors that could have accounted for the generally declining aid effort (defined as the generosity ratio, or the share of GDP given as aid) of bilateral donors over the last three decades. Annual panel data over 1970-2000 period for the 22 DAC members are used in a series of regressions. The findings suggest the existence of progressivity of aid in relation to donor income. There is also evidence of the economies of scale, in the sense that the share of aid in income decreases with growth in the size of donor country population. Domestic pro-poor tendency also appears to enhance donor generosity, and a positive 'peer pressure' effect is also observed. In addition, the extent of military adventurism of the donor is observed to have enhanced aid effort, just as also the size of government. But no discernible effect is detected for fiscal balance. On the political front, a greater number of checks and balances in the political system as well as the existence of polarization and fractionalization within the government are found to have enhanced aid effort while fractionalization within the opposition has the opposite effect. On the other hand, no discernible and consistent effect of ideological orientation of government is detected. Finally, the movement in the aid effort over time is found to differ between the G7 and non-G7 donors.

Foreign aid from China is often characterized as "rogue aid" that is not guided by recipient need but by China"s national interests alone. However, no econometric study so far confronts this claim with data. We make use of various datasets, covering the 1956-2006 period, to empirically test to which extent political and commercial interests shape China"s aid allocation decisions. We estimate the determinants of China"s allocation of project aid, food aid, medical teams and total aid money to developing countries, comparing its allocation decisions with traditional and other so-called emerging donors. We find that political considerations are an important determinant of China"s allocation of aid. However, in comparison to other donors, China does not pay substantially more attention to politics. In contrast to widespread perceptions, we find no evidence that China"s aid allocation is dominated by natural resource endowments. Moreover, China"s allocation of aid seems to be widely independent of democracy and governance in recipient countries. Overall, denominating aid from China as "rogue aid" seems unjustified. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Foreign aid from China is often characterized as rogue aid that is not guided by recipient need but by China's national interests alone. However, no econometric study so far confronts this claim with data. We make use of various datasets, covering the 1956-2006 period, to empirically test to which extent political and commercial interests shape China's aid allocation decisions. We estimate the determinants of China's allocation of project aid, food aid, medical teams and total aid money to developing countries, comparing its allocation decisions with traditional and other so-called emerging donors. We find that political considerations are an important determinant of China's allocation of aid. However, in comparison to other donors, China does not pay substantially more attention to politics. In contrast to widespread perceptions, we find no evidence that China's aid allocation is dominated by natural resource endowments. Moreover, China's allocation of aid seems to be widely independent of democracy and governance in recipient countries. Overall, denominating aid from China as rogue aid seems unjustified.

Foreign aid from China is often characterized as 'rogue aid' that is not guided by recipient need but by China's national interests alone. However, no econometric study so far confronts this claim with data. We make use of various datasets, covering the 1956-2006 period, to empirically test to which extent political and commercial interests shape China's aid allocation decisions. We estimate the determinants of China's allocation of project aid, food aid, medical staff and total aid money to developing countries, comparing its allocation decisions with traditional and other so-called emerging donors. We find that political considerations are an important determinant of China's allocation of aid. However, in comparison to other donors, China does not pay substantially more attention to politics. In contrast to widespread perceptions, we find no evidence that China's aid allocation is dominated by natural resource endowments. Moreover, China's allocation of aid seems to be widely independent of democracy and governance in recipient countries. Overall, denominating aid from China as 'rogue aid' seems unjustified.

Foreign aid from China is often characterized as "rogue aid" that is not guided by recipient need but by China's national interests alone. However, no econometric study so far confronts this claim with data. We make use of various datasets, covering the 1956-2006 period, to empirically test to which extent political and commercial interests shape China's aid allocation decisions. We estimate the determinants of China's allocation of project aid, food aid, medical teams and total aid money to developing countries, comparing its allocation decisions with traditional and other so-called emerging donors. We find that political considerations are an important determinant of China's allocation of aid. However, in comparison to other donors, China does not pay substantially more attention to politics. In contrast to widespread perceptions, we find no evidence that China's aid allocation is dominated by natural resource endowments. Moreover, China's allocation of aid seems to be widely independent of democracy and governance in recipient countries. Overall, denominating aid from China as "rogue aid" seems unjustified.

This paper contributes to the existing empirical literature on the principal determinants of tax revenue performance across developing countries by using a broad dataset and accounting for some econometric issues that were previously ignored. The results confirm that structural factors such as per capita GDP, agriculture share in GDP, trade openness and foreign aid significantly affect revenue performance of an economy. Other factors include corruption, political stability, share of direct and indirect taxes etc. The paper also makes use of a revenue performance index, and finds that while sev

Secondary analysis of data from a July 1987 national opinion survey (N = 1,997) conducted by the Roper Organization indicates that people with prejudice against homosexuals are less responsive to information about the risks of acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) transmission than those without such prejudice. Examination of data on the perceived risks of contact with people with AIDS, as well as measures of education, sex, age, & attitudes toward gay rights, suggests that people opposed to gay rights tend to exaggerate the risks of contact with people with AIDS. A regressive model is utilized to test the interactive effects of gay rights attitudes & education on perceptions of risk. Findings are interpreted as suggesting that antigay attitudes limit the efficacy of education about AIDS. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 7 References. Modified AA

Findings suggest that the role of attitudes toward homosexuals should be at the center of future explorations of the relationship between the media coverage of AIDS and public opinion. Suggests that anti-gay attitudes constrain the ability of the media to communicate effectively information about risk factors and how the disease is transmitted. Researchers need to explore the possibility that anti-gay attitudes stand between media information and public knowledge and public opinion. (Abstract amended)