Suchergebnisse

The focus of this article is on the everyday world of bouncers in the night-time economy of Manchester, England. The structure of the article is to contextualise my covert passing in this demonized subculture followed by explorations of the everyday world of bouncers through the related concepts of door order and the bouncer self. A part of the article is an examination of the management of situated 'ethical moments' during the fieldwork and, more generally, critical reflections on emotionality, embodiment and risk-taking in ethnography. I also reflect on the retrospective and longitudinal nature of my fieldwork immersion, and both the data management challenges and possibilities this brings. Covert ethnography can be a creative part of the ethnographer's tool kit and can provide an alternative perspective on subcultures, settings and organisations. By overly frowning upon the apparent ethical transgressions of covert research, we can stifle and censor the sociological imagination rather than enhance it. My call is for a rehabilitation of covert research.

This paper is a methodological reflection on an ongoing covert ethnography I have been undertaking in a luxury brothel in Madrid, Spain. By accident, this study became a research project when I was employed by the manager to review porn forums offering feedback on the women that worked there and taught English to him. For 18 months now, I have worked in the brothel a couple of nights a week doing these duties and have come to know the manager's closest friends and family, the women who work there and the security staff. The context for the work is the expansion of the sex industry in an era of consumer society and self-gratification coupled with austerity politics which has disproportionately affected the opportunities for women in the formal labour market thus catapulting many into precarious situations in which selling sex becomes an option. This has crudely mixed with cultural change in Spain in the wake of increased neoliberal economics which have hollowed out notions of family, tradition and intimacy.

This article discusses the covert research relationship. Specifically, it explores the ethical dimensions of fieldwork with reference to a six-month covert ethnography of `bouncers', in Manchester. Drawing from sociological literatures, the article wishes to raise for scrutiny the management of situated ethics in covert fieldwork which, despite having some increased recognition via debates about risk and danger in fieldwork, remains glossed over. The standard discourse on ethics is abstracted from the actual doing, which is a mediated and contingent set of practices. Traditionally, professional ethics has been centralized around the doctrine of informed consent with covert methodology being frowned upon and effectively marginalized as a type of `last resort methodology'.What I highlight here is the case for covert research in the face of much conventional opposition. I hope the article will open debate and dialogue about its potential role and possible creative future in the social science community.

By virtue of being the owner of a registered Pit Bull, I had a unique access to an otherwise hard-to-reach group of so called "status" dog owners in South East London. A field journal of mostly covert observations of and participations in a group of "status" dog owners was kept. A more overt approach was not to be taken as the research constituted an area central to my own private life. The experience of being at the center of my own research of these dog owners meant that I was both an insider and outsider at the same time and I had to find a way to separate my private self from my research self and this was done using a reflexive approach. The approach generated rich data, but it was also vulnerable on a practical and personal level as there were no escape route and it was emotionally challenging.

This paper is a methodological reflection on an ongoing covert ethnography I have been undertaking in a luxury brothel in Madrid, Spain. By accident, this study became a research project when I was employed by the manager to review porn forums offering feedback on the women that worked there and taught English to him. For 18 months now, I have worked in the brothel a couple of nights a week doing these duties and have come to know the manager's closest friends and family, the women who work there and the security staff. The context for the work is the expansion of the sex industry in an era of consumer society and self-gratification coupled with austerity politics which has disproportionately affected the opportunities for women in the formal labour market thus catapulting many into precarious situations in which selling sex becomes an option. This has crudely mixed with cultural change in Spain in the wake of increased neoliberal economics which have hollowed out notions of family, tradition and intimacy.

This paper is a methodological reflection on an ongoing covert ethnography I have been undertaking in a luxury brothel in Madrid, Spain. By accident, this study became a research project when I was employed by the manager to review porn forums offering feedback on the women that worked there and taught English to him. For 18 months now, I have worked in the brothel a couple of nights a week doing these duties and have come to know the manager's closest friends and family, the women who work there and the security staff. The context for the work is the expansion of the sex industry in an era of consumer society and selfgratification coupled with austerity politics which has disproportionately affected the opportunities for women in the formal labour market thus catapulting many into precarious situations in which selling sex becomes an option. This has crudely mixed with cultural change in Spain in the wake of increased neoliberal economics which have hollowed out notions of family, tradition and intimacy. ; Sin financiación ; No data 2019 ; UEM

"The Mafia? What is the Mafia? Something you eat? Something you drink? I don't know the Mafia. I've never seen it." Mafiosi have often reacted this way to questions from journalists and law enforcement. Social scientists who study the Mafia usually try to pin down what it "really is," thus fusing their work with their object. In Mafiacraft, Deborah Puccio-Den undertakes a new form of ethnographic inquiry that focuses not on answering "What is the Mafia?" but on the ontological, moral, and political effects of posing the question itself. Her starting point is that Mafia is not a readily nameable social fact but a problem of thought produced by the absence of words. Puccio-Den approaches covert activities using a model of "Mafiacraft," which inverts the logic of witchcraft. If witchcraft revolves on the lethal power of speech, Mafiacraft depends on the deadly strength of silence. How do we write an ethnography of phenomena that cannot be named? Puccio-Den approaches this task with a fascinating anthropology of silence, breaking new ground for the study of the world's most famous criminal organization.

"The Mafia? What is the Mafia? Something you eat? Something you drink? I don't know the Mafia. I've never seen it." Mafiosi have often reacted this way to questions from journalists and law enforcement. Social scientists who study the Mafia usually try to pin down what it "really is," thus fusing their work with their object. In Mafiacraft, Deborah Puccio-Den undertakes a new form of ethnographic inquiry that focuses not on answering "What is the Mafia?" but on the ontological, moral, and political effects of posing the question itself. Her starting point is that Mafia is not a readily nameable social fact but a problem of thought produced by the absence of words. Puccio-Den approaches covert activities using a model of "Mafiacraft," which inverts the logic of witchcraft. If witchcraft revolves on the lethal power of speech, Mafiacraft depends on the deadly strength of silence. How do we write an ethnography of phenomena that cannot be named? Puccio-Den approaches this task with a fascinating anthropology of silence, breaking new ground for the study of the world's most famous criminal organization.

Outlining a practical, emotional and reflexive approach to Organisational Ethnography (Jenna Pandeli, Neil Sutherland and Hugo Gaggiotti)Part I: EMOTIONS, ETHNOGRAPHY AND FIELDWORKCheck Yourself Before You Wreck Yourself! Are you cut out for Ethnographic fieldwork? (Christian Johann Schmid and Paul Eisewicht)Too close for comfort? The challenges and unexpected consequences of immersed ethnography (Sarah-Louise Weller)Removing the Rose-Tinted Glasses: Fear, Risk and Being Uncomfortable in Ethnographic Fieldwork (Jenna Pandeli and Rafael Alcadipani)Choosing to reach beyond academic goalposts: Ethnographer as compassionate advocate inside an immigration detention centre (Joanne Vincett)Part II: ETHNOGRAPHY IN THE FIELDLearning and doing autoethnography: resonance, vulnerability and exposure (Ilaria Boncori) Rapid ethnographies in organisations: ensuring rich data and timely findings (Stephanie Kumpunen and Cecilia Vindrola-Padros) Deception as a Moral Project: Covert Research and the Construction of the Ethical Self (Chloe Tarrabain)Ethnography on sensitive topics: children⁰́₉s sexuality education in Spain (Bruna Alvarez, Estel Malgosa and Diana Marre) Reflexivity in Audio-Visual Ethnography: Thinking through Practice (Miguel Gaggiotti and Hugo Gaggiotti) Part III: BEYOND THE FIELDExiting the field: when does an ethnography finish? (Vanessa Monties)Jotting it down: Writing and analysing fieldnotes (Neil Sutherland)Making sense of field material: from euphoria to despair and back (Barbara Czarniawska)Learning to Fly: On Teaching the Ethnographic Craft (Monika Kostera, Tomasz Ludwicki and Anna Modzelewska)Futures of Organizational Ethnography: (Post) Pandemic Reflections and New Possibilities (Katherine Parsons, David Courpasson and Rick Delbridge)

This paper discusses the tension between ethics in theory and ethics in practice, along the continuum of overt and covert field research. I argue that complete overt research is not only unfeasible, but can even be dangerous or harmful to the people we research and the researcher. Within this discussion it can be stated that the formal standardized requirements of the ethics committees actually undermine our ability to act ethically. For this reason, I argue that there is a need to focus on a virtues based approach and reflective stance regarding ethics in the field. I use the case of Honduras, where I conducted field research on the role of women and gangs, to discuss this argument. High levels of insecurity in Honduras create a context of fear which prescribes certain rules of engagement with the wider political economy of violence, and specifically on community interactions with gangs (Hume 2009a; Wilding 2012). My research shows that there is a silent agreement among the people living in neighborhoods with gang presence not to engage in gang-related discussions. Local organizations also prescribe a strict code of conduct in the field, which prohibits the use of crime, violence and other related concepts. This raises key practical and ethical questions for researchers, not least – how do we research that which is silenced? The aim of the paper is to critically discuss the relation between university ethics processes – ethics 'in theory' – and street ethics or ethics 'in practice', when conducting (participatory) observation in urban neighborhoods and prisons in Honduras.

This article analyses the role of Telegram in orienting, amplifying, and normalizing the non-consensual diffusion of intimate images (NCII). We focus on the sense of anonymity, the platform's weak regulation, and the possibility of creating large male communities, arguing that these affordances are "gendered affordances" as they orient male participants' harassment behaviors and, in concert with an established misogynist culture, contribute to the reinstatement of hegemonic masculinity. The research draws on data collected through an online covert ethnography of Italian Telegram channels and groups.

This article reflects upon my personal experiences of undertaking auto-ethnography on victimisation through wearing the Muslim veil in public. Wearing the veil was suggested by some of my respondents as a way to get insider knowledge of their own day-to-day experiences of victimisation. Here, I explore the emotional, psychological and physical impacts of being targeted because of my (perceived/adopted) Muslim identity. I discuss the advantages and disadvantages of covert auto-ethnographic research and consider the ethical challenges and practical difficulties of performing auto-ethnography. Also, I discuss the theoretical and methodological issues that arise from undertaking auto-ethnography as an insider/outsider when researching the targeted victimisation of veiled Muslim women. Finally, I discuss the usefulness and limitations of auto-ethnography as a method for understanding victimisation. I conclude that auto-ethnographic research into victimisation has great potential, although researchers need to be aware of some risks inherent in this approach and, thus, proceed with caution.

Abstract
In her 1973 article "up the anthropologist" Laura Nader called on anthropologists to engage in critical studies of the relationship between powerful institutions and the broader society, using a "vertical slice" approach. But Nader worried that participant observation was hard in the context of studying up, and yet it has been presented as definitive of anthropology's methodology. This article discusses four methodological strategies for studying up in the light of this concern: insider ethnography; covert ethnography; remote ethnography; and adapted participant observation. The first two have intellectual or ethical liabilities. The last is increasingly normalized. Going forward, anthropologists studying up face two obstacles: first, the increasingly totalizing hold of corporate and government workplaces over their employees, even when they are not at work; and, second, university institutional review boards (irb s) concerned to avoid conflictual or critical research.

"Getting By" -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: A Historical Ethnography of Class and State Formation -- 1. Counterinsurgency, Silences, Forgetting, 1946-69 -- Part I: DEVELOPMENT (1969-85) -- Preface: Colonial Residues and "Development" -- 2. "Boom Town in the Making," 1978-80 -- 3. "Getting By": The Arts of Deception and the "Typical Chinese" -- 4. Banalities of the Urban: Hegemony or State Predation? -- 5. Class Dismissed! -- 6. Men in Motion: The Dialectics of "Disputatiousness" and "Rice-Eating Money" -- 7. Chinese Society as "A Sheet of Loose Sand": Elite Arguments and Class Discipline in a Postcolonial Era -- Part II: GLOBALIZATION (1985-97) -- Preface: Going Global -- 8. Subsumption and Encompassment: Class, State Formation, and the Production of Urban Space, 1980-97 -- 9. Covert Global: Exit, Alternative Sovereignties, and Being Stuck -- 10. "Walking on Two Roads" and "Jumping Airplanes" -- Epilogue: 1997-2007 -- Appendix: A Profile of Economic "Domination"? -- Notes -- References -- Index.