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The article deals with the analysis of euphemisms in the English language American political discourse based on conceptual metonymy. Though the phenomenon of euphemisation has been widely studied, the linguo-cognitive characteristics of euphemisms in the English language American political discourse and their influence on the recipients have not been established yet. The aim of the article is to analyze euphemisms in the English language American political discourse based on the conceptual metonymy. Some political euphemisms are not immediately recognized in the political discourse by the recipients, whereas the euphemistic potential remains quite strong. The author claims that the conceptual metonymy can be one of the cognitive mechanisms of creating hidden senses of the euphemisms and make these euphemisms unnoticeable in the discourse. The author provides lexical-semantic components from the addressee's spheres of knowledge that contribute to ameliorated, positive perception of the nominations, and applies the theory of conceptual metonymy to the euphemisms under study. The study of linguo-cognitive characteristics of euphemisms in the English language American political discourse applying the conceptual metonymy theory allows tracing the conceptual metonymy WHOLE as PART in the basis of such euphemisms: alternative, strategic, affordable, progressive, radical, rational, informal, adjustment, procedure, action. The euphemisms under study were selected from the political texts of "The Washington Post" and "The New York Times" 2000-2020. It was established that the conceptual metonymy may serve as a cognitive basis for the euphemisms under study. As a result of such metonymic conceptualization, negative facts are represented by some much wider but positive or neutral concepts. The author also describes the associative perception of the euphemisms under study. The analysis shows that euphemisms based on the conceptual metonymy WHOLE as PART make the recipients skip negative facts by not focusing on them. The euphemisms listed above are able to influence the recipient's cognition due to the inclusion of the negative fact to a wider more positive or neutral concept. The result is a positive or neutral recipient's reaction. ; У статті проаналізовано евфемізми американського англомовного політичного дискурсу, в основу яких закладено концептуальну метонімію. Виявлено, що деякі евфемізми в політичному дискурсі не розпізнаються реципієнтами як такі, проте евфемістичний потенціал цих евфемізмів не зменшується. Досліджено, що концептуальна метонімія може бути одним із когнітивних механізмів творення прихованих смислів евфемізмів і може надавати їм непомітності в політичному дискурсі. Показано лексико-семантичні зв'язки зі сфер знань реципієнта, що сприяють позитивному сприйняттю евфемізмів через концептуальну метонімію. Застосовано теорію концептуальної метонімії до вивчення лінгвокогнітивних характеристик досліджуваних евфемізмів. Аналізуючи лінгвокогнітивні характеристики евфемізмів американського англомовного політичного дискурсу із застосуванням теорії концептуальної метонімії, ми виявили, що концептуальна метонімія ЦІЛЕ замість ЧАСТИНИ ввійшла до основ 10 досліджуваних евфемізмів, а саме: alternative, strategic, affordable, progressive, radical, rational, informal, adjustment, procedure, action. Досліджувані евфемізми виокремлено шляхом вибірки із політичних текстів періодичних видань "The Washington Post" and "The New York Times" 2000 – 2020 рр. Установлено, що концептуальна метонімія ЦІЛЕ замість ЧАСТИНИ може слугувати когнітивною основою для творення евфемізмів і в результаті такої метонімічної концептуалізації негативні факти репрезентуються деякими значно ширшими, але позитивнішими або нейтральними поняттями. Описано асоціативне сприйняття досліджуваних евфемістичних одиниць реципієнтами й виявлено, що евфемізми, основані на концептуальній метонімії ЦІЛЕ замість ЧАСТИНИ, завуальовують негативні факти саме не фокусуючи на них увагу, змушуючи реципієнта мимовольної опустити негативний факт. Визначено, що досліджувані евфемізми можуть впливати на когніцію реципієнта саме через уключення негативного факту до ширшого позитивнішого або нейтрального концепту, у результаті чого виникатиме більш позитивна або нейтральна реакція реципієнта на негативне політичне явище.

The following article attempts to analyse the phenomenon of conceptual metonymy occurring in George Orwell's novel "Nineteen Eighty-Four". The analysis involves only a few examples of metonymy related to the conceptual domain of POLITICS. The article postulates that politics, in general, evokes negative associations. Thus, one of the objectives is to verify whether in majority of examples, political activity connotes adverse and unfavourable feelings. Moreover some concepts being part of metonymy have been evaluated according to the way in which they are perceived by English speakers. The article comprises two parts. The theoretical part contains a brief outline of Cognitive Linguistics and metonymy, as well as a short description of political reality in "Nineteen Eighty-Four", which is essential to understand the context of analysed linguistic expressions. The second part involves the analysis proper of the material gathered. Four metonymies describing relations between people and the world in which they live have been formulated and examined.

In recent years, conceptual metonymy has been recognized as a cognitive phenomenon that is as fundamental as metaphor for reasoning and the construction of meaning. The thoroughly revised chapters in the present volume originated as presentations in a workshop organized by the editors for the 7th International Pragmatics Conference held in Budapest in 2000. They constitute, according to an anonymous reviewer, "an interesting contribution to both cognitive linguistics and pragmatics." The contributions aim to bridge the gap, and encourage discussion, between cognitive linguists and scholars wor

The present study compares metonymy use in a Spanish political speech with an American political speech, which belong to two different debate traditions, to convince the public of economic victory after the worldwide financial crisis. For that purpose, we analyze the metonymies employed in the Economy sections of the 2015 State of the Union Address in the US and in the 2015 State of the Nation Address in Spain. The present study aims at answering the following research questions: 1. What metonymies do President Obama and Prime Minister Rajoy use in their American and Spanish political speeches in an attempt to convince the public of economic victory? 2. What are the similarities and differences between the role of metonymy in shaping public opinion about economic recovery in America and Spain in both speeches? To answer these questions, we use the Conceptual Metonymy Theory (Dirven & Ruiz de Mendoza Ibáñez 2010), which stems from the general framework of Conceptual Metaphor Theory (Lakoff & Johnson 1980/2003). The results indicate that the politicians use metonymies to sway the audience's opinion to their side and, thus, used them ideologically. The politicians differ however in the stress given to different aspects of the economic recovery ; Este estudio presenta un análisis comparativo del uso de la metonimia en dos discursos políticos pertenecientes a dos tradiciones de discursos distintas –el debate político americano y el español– con la intención de convencer a la audiencia de la recuperación económica tras la crisis financiera mundial. Para ello, analizamos las metonimias empleadas en las secciones de economía del Debate para el Estado de la Unión del año 2015 en ee.uu. y el Debate para el Estado de la Nación del mismo año en España. Este trabajo pretender dar respuesta a las siguientes preguntas: 1. ¿Qué metonimias utilizan el presidente Obama y el presidente del gobierno Rajoy en los debates políticos para convencer a la audiencia del éxito económico de ee.uu. y España? 2. ¿Cuáles son las similitudes y diferencias entre el papel dado a la metonimia para formar la opinión del público sobre la recuperación económica en ee.uu. y en España en los dos discursos? Para contestar estas preguntas usamos la teoría de la metonimia conceptual (Dirven y Ruiz de Mendoza Ibáñez, 2010), que parte del marco general de la teoría de la metáfora conceptual (Lakoff y Johnson 1980/2003). Los resultados indican que los políticos utilizan las metonimias para cambiar la opinión de la audiencia en su favor y, por tanto, se utilizan con propósitos ideológicos. Los políticos se diferencian sin embargo en el acento dado a diferentes aspectos de la recuperación económica.

The progressing of the Uzbek linguistics and learning approaches to language, especially, problems of cognitive linguistics have been analyzed in the article. The results show that cognitive approach and methods of cognitive language materials carried out legislation of lexical units of the Uzbek language, as the materials of the Uzbek language indicate the reasons of conceptual connection of linguistic units, including the semantic factor of cognitive linguistic connection were illuminated in the article. The main characteristics of idiomatic units were based on conceptual connection. Some idiomatic words of the Uzbek language were translated into English with their equivalents. A variety of Uzbek language materials is based on the perception of reality, knowledge, opportunities linguistic memory of people. The article is dedicated to the research of ways of idiomaticity in the Uzbek word formation. It describes various causes of emergence of idiomaticity in compound words. The aim of the research work is the study of the cognitive aspect of idiomatic words of the Uzbek language. The role of cognitive mechanisms in word formation and verbalization of language units is considered as one of the topical problems of linguistics. The author of the article analyzes the cognitive bases of the formation of the idiomatic words in the Uzbek language. Conceptual metonymy, conceptual metaphor and metaphtonymy were demonstrated as basic cognitive mechanisms in the formation of idiomatic words. Moreover, the article covers the problems of engendering of idiomatic words as a result of human being's understanding of the world, their reflection in human being's cognition and the process of reflection of cognitive mechanisms in the formation of the concept.

Social constructionists consider gender as socially constructed, fluid and context-specific. An individual can thus behave in ways considered as either masculine or feminine in various contexts, irrespective of their sex. However, speakers of Akan (in Ghana) sometimes talk about people who behave in ways considered as contradictory to sociocultural expectations about gendered behaviour for 'their sex' as metonymically having two sexes. In this paper, I discuss three Akan metonymic expressions that exemplify this: Kojo besia (Monday-born male who is also female), ?baa barima (woman-man) and ?baa akok?nini (female-rooster). I argue that such expressions derive from a conceptual metonymy 'SEX-FOR-GENDER', and discuss how the analysis of such expressions contributes to theoretical perspectives on gender and language and to our understanding of metonymy. Although the understanding and interpretation of these metonymies appear quite essentialist, I argue that it may also be read as lending some support to the argument by some social constructionists that sex, like gender, is a social construction.

The appeasement of Hitler and the Munich Agreement is a rhetorical comparison used commonly in international relations to defend politico-military action. On the basis of conceptual history and rhetorics, we examine cases of political speech in this paradigm. Firstly, we discuss time and conceptualize experience into first and second order experiences. Secondly, the roles of metaphor, metonymy and analogy in relation to thought and action are examined. We then contextualise Munich 1938, and present three cases demonstrating the political usage of this metonymy since WWII. These range from the Suez Crises to the Gulf War and on-going War on Terror. These cases show that "Munich" can be used in multiple contexts. Our hypothesis is that "Munich" has proved very instrumental politically; it has been a key element in the final push to use force on numerous occasions, and we conclude that it is a very dangerous form of anti-diplomacy.

In recent years, conceptual metonymy has been recognized as a cognitive phenomenon that is as fundamental as metaphor for reasoning and the construction of meaning. The thoroughly revised chapters in the present volume originated as presentations in a workshop organized by the editors for the 7th International Pragmatics Conference held in Budapest in 2000. They constitute, according to an anonymous reviewer, "an interesting contribution to both cognitive linguistics and pragmatics." The contributions aim to bridge the gap, and encourage discussion, between cognitive linguists and scholars working in a pragmatic framework. Topics include the metonymic basis of explicature and implicature, the role of metonymically-based inferences in speech act and discourse interpretation, the pragmatic meaning of grammatical constructions, the impact of metonymic mappings on and their interaction with grammatical structure, the role of metonymic inferencing and implicature in linguistic change, and the comparison of metonymic principles across languages and different cultural settings.

AbstractThis article argues that metonymy provides "cognitive roundabouts" that semiotically create more meaning in fictional narrative against the popular views that metonymy provides "referential shorthand" and "communicative shortcuts." In the light of Lakoff and Johnson's observation on the relationship between symbolic metonymy and the comprehension of religious and cultural concepts, it explores the semiotic potentialities of metonymy in constructing fictional reality with special reference to O. Henry's short story "The Cop and the Anthem." It concludes that artistic deployment of metonymic devices comically exploits and explicitizes various conceptual associations and logical relations between the source and the target and requires greater cognitive effort from the reader; in defamiliarizing the fictional representation, the narrative text produces more symbolic meanings and ultimately refamiliarizes the reader with aspects of actual-world reality that are otherwise hardly perceivable.

The article is devoted to the feasibility of distinction between metonymy and metaphor; since ancient times, language researchers have studied them together because they are based on the transfer of names by similarity or analogy of features. The main task of the article is to outline the dominant theories of metonymy and metaphor, developed in the plane of the semantic-syntactic paradigm, as well as to present cognitively oriented considerations about the essence of these two phenomena, which prove their distinction. Based on the basic postulates of cognitive linguistics, particularly the theory of conceptual metaphor, the theory of mental spaces, and the theory of conceptual integration, the authors prove a significant difference between the two outlined linguocognitive mechanisms. Based on phraseological units of modern French, the authors prove, first, that metonymy represents a real adjacency of concepts, while metaphor - hypothetical. Secondly, their difference lies in the different number of conceptual spheres involved in metonymization (one conceptosphere) and metaphorization (more than two conceptospheres). Thirdly, in metaphorization, projected images reflect various (sometimes unexpected) associations that link different spheres of GOAL and SOURCE, while in metonymization, projected images adhere to logically established connections.

This study attempts to analyze the metonymies used in the Economy section of two equivalent parliamentary speeches: the 2015 State of the Union Address in the US and the 2015 State of the Nation Debate in Spain, which belong to two different debate traditions. The present study aims at answering the following research questions:What metonymies do President Obama and Prime Minister Rajoy use in their American and Spanish parliamentary speeches in an attempt to convince the public of economic victory?What are the similarities and differences between the role of metonymy in shaping public opinion about economic recovery in America and Spain in both speeches?To answer these questions, we use the method of conceptual metonymy (Lakoff & Johnson 1980) which serves to determine the role that metonymy plays in swaying the public's opinion to their side and, thus, it is a tool of manipulation. The results indicate that Democrat Obama and Conservative Rajoy used metonymies (and their interactions with metaphors) ideologically as they attempted to persuade their audiences that economic recovery was a reality and gain public support for them, replaced the discourse of crime for the discourse of a natural tragedy and stressed Us and Our good actions and Them and Their bad actions. Despite the similarities, both politicians used metonymies to a different extent and used them to stress different aspects of their countries' economic recovery.

The representation of women in politics is one of the most discussed topics in Indonesian political discourse, including political discourse in media, particularly in the Indonesian context. Two metonymies are commonly used to refer to women politicians in the Indonesian context, the first is Srikandi and the second is Kartini, both are well-known figures in Indonesian history and culture. This paper discusses the use of those two metonymies to speak about women politicians in Indonesian political discourse. The focus of the investigation is the extent of the use of the metonymy across political parties and Indonesian political level, from national to local, and the influence of the context of time to the metonymy chosen in a particular discourse. The study will also examine the characteristics that are associated with the two figures that are highlighted in metonymic use. The study is descriptive qualitative with Conceptual Metaphor Theory – CMT as the theoretical background with ten data from news headlines that are purposively chosen for this study. The result shows that the metonymic use of both figures is extensive across parties and political levels. It is also found that the context plays important role in the use of Kartini particularly during the celebration of Kartini day on April 21; Whereas the notions of women empowerment are not reflected from all metonymic use. Thus, the text producers should not only use Kartini and Srikandi as metonymy just because of gender relatedness but should reflect more on women empowerment.

Two days later, Francisco Sagasti assumed the presidency and was in charge of calling elections. Thus, in May 2021, the first electoral debate was held between the candidates who represent opposing ideologies and who passed to the second round: Pedro Castillo and Keiko Fujimori. In this article, we analyze metaphorical and metonymic expressions in the political debate, under the proposal of cognitive semantics (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980; Ruiz de Mendoza and Pérez Hernández, 2001), in order to explain how politics, health, the country, education and the economy were categorized in the Peruvian electoral campaign. The results of the research show that both politicians coincide in their vision of politics as a war, but differ in the way they understand the economy, health and education. ; La crisis política del Perú se inicia el 10 de noviembre de 2020 con la vacancia por incapacidad moral de Martín Vizcarra. Tras este hecho, el presidente del Congreso, Manuel Merino, asumió la presidencia transitoria, pero tuvo que renunciar el 15 de noviembre por las protestas en rechazo a su mandato, en las que hubo heridos y dos muertos. Dos días después, Francisco Sagasti asumió la presidencia y se encargó de convocar a nuevas elecciones. De este modo, en mayo del 2021, se realizó el primer debate electoral entre los candidatos que representan ideologías contrarias y que pasaron a segunda vuelta: Pedro Castillo y Keiko Fujimori. En este artículo, analizamos expresiones metafóricas y metonímicas utilizadas en el debate político, bajo la propuesta de la semántica cognitiva (Lakoff y Johnson, 1980; Ruiz de Mendoza y Pérez Hernández, 2001), con el fin de explicar cómo se categorizó la política, la salud, el país, la educación y la economía en la campaña electoral peruana. Los resultados de la investigación muestran que ambos políticos coinciden en su visión de la política como una guerra, pero se diferencian en la forma de entender la economía, la salud y la educación.

Mofokeng's volume of short stories, Leetong [On a Journey], is traditionally read as satire on repression in general and on South Africa in particular. The title, Leetong, has become a part of the conceptual political lexicon of the Sesotho language to refer to the corruption of apartheid ideology. This collection of short stories constitutes a body of protest fiction based on inferences from situations rather than actual incidents. Collectively the eight short stories combine to form one voice in contention with the political dispensation of oppressed South Africans during a particular historical era of political oppression, known as the apartheid era. The dehumanisation of black South Africans has not stopped since the apartheid era because the dominant image of black South Africans continues to be that of heathens. This article postulates the notion that the scheme of the short story volume Leetong [On a Journey] has created a powerful metonymy, to the extent that whenever one alludes to the title, one conjures up images associated with oppression. ; http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02564718.2012.676336 ; http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02564718.2012.676336#.VQFkYeG2qJU