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In this paper, the capitalization, urban land management and planning routine have been explored. The focus dwells on the praxis and urban planning perspectives as a link and means for realizing the public interest in space and the role of 'urban transplants' as a lever of urban development. It has also been pointed to a certain discrimination of the property status and property rights through the category of 'public interest', which is articulated by way of urban planning. The unfairness of the existing planning system towards private property and 'taxation' of entrepreneurial activities is evident, especially in urban land use i.e. installing the height of the land rent. It is expected that urban planning is competent upon the background of societal democratization, privatization and introduction of market institutions where the perspectives shift towards democratic transformation, the regulatory role and protection of property rights and different actors' interests in using urban land. The conclusion is that changes in the management of urban land are required with recommendations to consider public-private sector partnerships. ; U radu se razmatra kapitalizacija, način upravljanja i planiranja urbanog zemljišta u Srbiji. Ukazuje se na praksu i perspektive urbanističkog planiranja, kao spone i sredstva za sprovođenje "opšteg interesa" u prostoru i ulogu "urbanističkih transplantata" kao poluge urbanog razvoja. Ukazuje se i na izvesnu diskriminaciju statusa svojine i vlasničkih prava preko kategorije "opšteg interesa", koja se artikuliše uz pomoć urbanističkog planiranja. Konstatuje se nepravičnost postojećeg sistema planiranja prema privatnoj svojini i "oporezivanju" preduzetničkih poslovnih aktivnosti u korišćenju građevinskog zemljišta tj. određivanju visine gradske rente. Ocenjuje se da je urbanističko planiranje kompetentno u uslovima demokratizacije društva, privatizacije i izgradnje tržišnih institucija, i da su njegove perspektive u demokratskoj, transformaciji, ka regulatornoj ulozi i zaštiti svojinskih prava i interesa različitih aktera u korišćenju gradskog zemljišta. Zaključuje se da su potrebne promene u načinu upravljanja građevinskim zemljištem u gradovima uz preporuke za partnerstvo javnog i privatnog sektora.

THIS PAPER EXPLORES THE CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH THE WELFARE BENEFITS OF LOCAL PUBLIC GOODS PROJECTS WILL BE CAPITALIZED INTO LAND VALUES. TWO TYPES OF SUFFICIENT CONDITIONS ARE FOUND, ONE INVOLVING SIMILAR COMMUNITIES AND THE OTHER DIFFERENTIAL. THE FORM OF CAPITALIZATION DIFFERS AND THE NATURE OF THE DIFFERENCES IS EXPLORED.

Purpose: This article covers the issues of land resources evaluation and development of proposed recommendations in improving the processes of capitalization, examining the economic foundations of their capitalization. Research Methodology: Land valuation is of significant economic and social importance. From its data, it is widely used in solving various issues of economic sectors, including land tax, determining the amounts of rent on land plots, planning the yields of agricultural crops, creating land and in general, solving all issues that are closely related to land use. Results: New methods of capitalizing on land use have been proposed. Limitations: Capitalization issues are carried out on the basis of decisions of the executive power. In the introduction of experiments into practice, government decisions are relied on. Contribution: Modern methods of assessing land resources lead to sustainable economic growth. Keywords: Land resources, Valuation, Rent, Capital, Privatization

Abstract: This paper relates Islamic studies, namely Islamism, with Christian studies, urban studies in an integrative way. The objects of written material are religions, social movements, politics, and cities. The research was conducted from July 2012 to July 2018 using a qualitative empirical approach with depth interview techniques and the use of social media, combined with literature studies. The author argues, it is a fundamental mistake if scholars of Islamic studies believe too much that Islamic social movements are a manifestation of Islamism as the ideology of Islamists as published so far. In practice, Islamic social movements, especially in urban communities, are far more complex than ideological issues. Examining the Salatiga urbanites as the location and subject research, it is found a religious linkage and the caliptalization of urban space. This linkage creates a contentious politics and the interests of the urban elite that play into it during the Regional Head Election.الملخص: تربط هذه الورقة الدراسات الإسلامية ، أي الإسلاموية ، بالدراسات المسيحية ، والدراسات الحضرية بطريقة تكاملية. المواد المكتوبة هي الأديان والحركات الاجتماعية والسياسة والمدن. تم إجراء البحث في الفترة من يوليو 2012 إلى يوليو 2018 باستخدام نهج تجريبي نوعي مع تقنيات المقابلة العميقة واستخدام وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي ، جنبًا إلى جنب مع دراسات الأدب. يجادل المؤلف بأنه من الخطأ الأساسي أن يعتقد علماء الدراسات الإسلامية أن الحركات الاجتماعية الإسلامية هي مظهر من مظاهر الإسلاموية باعتبارها إيديولوجية الإسلاميين كما نُشرت حتى الآن. في الممارسة العملية ، الحركات الاجتماعية الإسلامية ، خاصة في المجتمعات الحضرية ، أكثر تعقيدًا بكثير من القضايا الإيديولوجية. عند دراسة سكان سالاتيجا كموقع وبحث موضوعي ، وجد ارتباطًا دينيًا وخلافة الفضاء الحضري. يخلق هذا الارتباط سياسة مثيرة للجدل ومصالح النخبة الحضرية التي تلعب دورها خلال انتخابات رئيس المنطقة.Abstrak: Tulisan ini mengaitkan studi Islam, yakni Islamisme dengan studi Kristen, studi perkotaan secara integratif. Objek material tulisan adalah agama, gerakan sosial, politik, dan kota. Penelitian dilakukan sejak Juli 2012 hingga Juli 2018 dengan pendekatan kualitatif empirik dengan teknik wawancara mendalam dan penggunaan media sosial, digabung dengan studi literatur. Penulis berargumentasi, adalah kekeliruan mendasar jika para sarjana studi Islam terlalu meyakini bahwa gerakan-gerakan sosial Islam merupakan manifestasi Islamisme sebagai ideologi kaum Islamis seperti dipublikasikan selama ini. Dalam praksisnya, gerakan-gerakan sosial Islam, khususnya di masyarakat kota jauh lebih kompleks dari persoalan ideologis. Dari masyarakat Kota Salatiga sebagai lokasi dan subjek penelitian, ditemukan keterkaitan agama dengan kaliptalisasi ruang kota. Keterkaitan itu menimbulkan politik perselisihan dan kepentingan elite urban yang bermain dalamnya pada saat Pemilihan Kepala Daerah.

Decoupled direct payments were introduced in the EU in form of the Single Payment Scheme (SPS) in 2005. The 2013 CAP reform changed both the implementation of the SPS and its budget. We assess the possible effects of the 2013 CAP reform on EU land markets; in particular the capitalization of the SPS in land rental values. Our analyses suggest that the implementation details of the 2013 CAP reform will largely determine the impact of the SPS on land markets. The key ones are the reference period for entitlement allocation, regionalization, payment differentiation and budgetary changes. Our analysis also implies that a number of relatively minor policy changes could have substantial impacts on land markets.

The article is devoted to the problem of the relationship between expected results and real institutional, structural, and financial consequences of agrarian reforms aimed at the capitalization of land. The purpose of the publication is to summarize the positive and negative experience of the peasant reform of 1861 on changes in the relations of ownership and land use in the budgetary and financial sphere and foreign economic activity. Research is based on the history-institutional methodology using tools of economic comparability, retrospective analysis, and historical reconstruction. It is defined that the opening of the land market and the creation of a system of mortgage land loans allowed to increase the share of private land ownership of peasants, but did not turn them into effective owners and did not solve the problem of peasant land. Rising land prices contributed to the development of land speculation and increased rents, encouraging the farmers to predatory land use and depletion of soils without increasing productivity. The capitalization of land and the expansion of the hired labor market contributed to economic growth, increased government revenues and expenditures, and overcame the chronic state budget deficit. At the same time, the credit indebtedness of peasants grew, while ransom payments depleted peasant farms, reducing the potential for capital formation and investment. The public policy of forcing grain exports and supporting large agribusiness allowed to replenish the gold reserves of the treasury, but also led to the impoverishment of farmers, reduced quality of the exported grain, increased share of fodder crops, and lower share of food crops and finished goods. Intensified international competition to expand the supply of cheap grain led to lower prices, weaker competitive position of domestic exporters, and the growing dependence of the economy on world markets for agricultural products, and the local agrarian business - on foreign capital. The article provides recommendations to the government about taking into account the historical experience in the implementation of modern agrarian transformations, in particular, comprehensive support for farming as the main link of agricultural production and the guarantor of food security of the country. Their implementation will help prevent the risks of over-concentration of land, the proletarianization of the peasantry and its mass migration to cities and abroad, growing environmental problems, and vulnerability of the economy due to increasing dependence on the world markets for agricultural raw materials.

For more than a century, political economists have sought to understand the nature of capital. The prevailing wisdom is that there must be something 'real' – some productive capacity – that underpins capitalized values. This thinking, I argue, is a mistake. Building on Jonathan Nitzan and Shimshon Bichler's theory of capital as power, I argue that capitalization is an ideology. It is a quantitative ritual for converting earnings into present value. Although the ritual is arbitrary, it gives rise to astonishing empirical regularities, reviewed here.

For more than a century, political economists have sought to understand the nature of capital. The prevailing wisdom is that there must be something 'real' – some productive capacity – that underpins capitalized values. This thinking, I argue, is a mistake. Building on Jonathan Nitzan and Shimshon Bichler's theory of capital as power, I argue that capitalization is an ideology. It is a quantitative ritual for converting earnings into present value. Although the ritual is arbitrary, it gives rise to astonishing empirical regularities, reviewed here.