Suchergebnisse

The study pursues a line of inquiry into male and female candidates' political campaign strategies on Facebook, drawing a sample from the 2019 National elections in Greece. The findings suggest that both genders disseminate one-way campaign information and address a wider palette of political issues than the ones typically associated with their gender. Some stereotypical patterns regarding traits and issue expertise seem to persist; females are more expressive in terms of visual content and use of emoticons, choose personalization and dialogic communication more frequently and emphasize culture and women's issues. Men are more often associated with negative campaigning, prioritize "masculine" issues such as employment and foreign affairs, and generate a greater level of user engagement. The results indicate that social media do not constitute an alternative communication channel that equalizes existing power structures. Instead, they seem to reflect the status quo and may hinder women candidates' efforts to gain visibility and communicate with the public.

In 1990 no one could have predicted that by 2000 almost the Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) early platform goals would have been achieved and that it would be the ruling party. As the DPP was loose collection of former dissidents, who were divided ideologically and factionally, it was seen as only a matter of time before it would split. However, contrary to expectations it was the KMT that split three times in 1993, 1995-1996 and 1999-2000, while the DPP's splits were insignificant. The DPP's only effective weapon in this process has been campaign issues as realignment has occured along the lines of the core electoral issues. The KMT's policy flexibility enabled the DPP to achieve the majority of its policy objectives without actually holding office. Although the KMT did not lose power until 2000, its transformation since 1991 has been so great that it is the equivalent of a change in ruling party. In short, in this article, the author argues that, contrary to expectations, campaign issues have increasingly mattered in the radical transformation of Taiwanese politics during the 1990s. The purpose of this article is to address these three key questions: 1. How and why have the main parties adjusted their positions on the core electoral issues between 1991 and 2000? 2. What are the consequences of these shifts on the Taiwanese political landscape? 3. Why are issues so important in analysing elections in Taiwan? (Asian J Polit Sci/DÜI)