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AbstractTo explain racially differential housing outcomes, previous studies have tended to concentrate on discriminatory processes within the mortgage market while ignoring homeowning families' broad socioeconomic challenges. This study proposes a conceptual framework for understanding Black-White inequality in homeownership sustainability, which emphasizes Black homeowners' socioeconomic challenges that are external to mortgage market evaluations, with a particular focus on the mediating role of liquid assets. Based on the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, the framework is put to an empirical test on the differential exit rates between Black and White homeowners in the United States during the recent housing crisis. The findings indicate that the racial gap in homeownership exit is eliminated after liquid wealth is controlled in the model alongside other covariates and that the inclusion of liquid wealth renders all mortgage-oriented variables nonsignificant with regard to their explanatory power for Black-White inequality in exit rates. Policy implications of the findings are also discussed.

AbstractIn this article, we offer an overview and critical assessment of recent changes wrought by "new governance" reforms within public sector work, highlighting the implications specifically for Black–White inequality, and denote where further sociological analyses are warranted. These foci are important given the widely accepted—though hardly comprehensively examined—assumption that public sector employment remains a favorable "economic niche" for African Americans. Recent sociological research, including our own, suggests that this is likely no longer the case. The very structure and functioning of public sector work have changed owing to neoliberal agendas and reforms toward privatization over the last two decades, becoming less bureaucratic and increasingly mirroring processes and inequalities more traditionally characteristic of the private sector. We emphasize the consequences particularly for African Americans and call for deeper sociological analyses of public sector racial inequalities, processes, and their consequences.

Do African Americans, Hispanics, and non-Hispanic whites differ in their explanations of the socioeconomic divide separating blacks and whites in the United States? Have such explanations changed over time? To answer these questions, I use data from the 1977 to 2004 General Social Surveys (GSS) to map race/ethnic differences in support for, trends in, and the determinants of seven "modes of explanation" for blacks' disadvantage. Trends over time indicate the continuation of a long-standing decline in non-Hispanic whites' use of an ability-based (innate inferiority) explanation. Non- Hispanic whites' beliefs in a purely motivational and a purely educational explanation are increasing, however, along with the view that none of the explanations offered in the GSS explain blacks' disadvantage. African Americans and Hispanics also evidence increases in a purely motivational explanation, but they differ from non-Hispanic whites in demonstrating clear declines in structural beliefs—especially the perception that discrimination explains blacks' lower socioeconomic status. These conservative shifts in blacks' and Hispanics' beliefs result in greater similarity with non-Hispanic whites over time. Notably, however, significant "static" race/ethnic group differences remain: non- Hispanic whites score highest, and blacks lowest, on a purely motivational explanation, while African Americans are more likely than both non-Hispanic whites and Hispanics to endorse a discrimination-based explanation. I conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for racial policy support.

I contribute to our understanding of black–white inequality in the United States by assessing the legacy of "sundown towns." Sundown towns are places that restricted who could live there based on ideas about race. The often-violent tactics employed to create and maintain all-white spaces reshaped dramatically the demographic and social landscape of the non-South. I extend previous research on sundown towns by examining their association with contemporary black–white economic inequality. In addition, I advance a new theoretical perspective to explain how the history associated with sundown towns contributes to contemporary inequality, namely large-scale segregation. To assess the contemporary impact of sundown history, I employ a dataset on places connected to sundown towns in the eastern Midwest and county data from the 2008–2012 American Community Survey (ACS) period estimates. In addition, I use standard ordinary least squares (OLS) and spatial data analysis techniques to provide a multifaceted assessment of the contribution of sundown towns to contemporary black–white inequality. This analysis extends our understanding of the social impact of historical legacies and emphasizes the importance of the protection of white advantage and large-scale segregation when explaining the (re)production of black–white inequality in the United States.

While much has been written on the racial gap in achievement, few national studies have assessed the gap's trajectory over K-12 schooling. The reason for this is understandable—most national data sets do not contain respondent information for this entire educational period. I utilize survey data from three national data sets containing White and Black students to document the trajectory of reading and math inequality between school entry and the end of high school. An attempt to clarify these observed patterns is made by assessing changes in the score distributions of these students across grade level, and examining how Black score distributions would fare if held to the White score distributions. Findings suggest that efforts to equalize achievement disparities must not only focus on "bringing the bottom up", but also on keeping the top Black achievers on pace with the top White achievers across grade level.

AbstractThis study examines the racial stratification beliefs of white Americans who have decision-making power at work (managers and supervisors) and of those (subordinates) who lack such power. We focus on whether these groups vary in overall levels of support for, and in determinants of, beliefs about racial inequality. Pooled cross-sectional analyses of data from the 1977 to 2014 General Social Surveys (GSS) reveal that, among both white supervisors and subordinates, support is greatest for a motivation-based explanation of black disadvantage, followed by (in order) explanations focusing on blacks' lesser educational chances, discrimination against blacks, and finally, blacks' supposed lesser ability. In line with Group Position Theory, our multivariate analyses reveal few differences across the supervisory divide in levels of support for, or in the determinants of, whites' beliefs about black disadvantage. Differences that do exist align with alternative perspectives including Social Dominance Theory, a Group Self-Interest Model, and Intergroup Contact Theory. We conclude by discussing the theoretical and methodological implications of our findings for future research pertaining to what does and does not work to ameliorate racial inequality in the workplace.

Telephone-interview data from the 1999 & 2000 Florida Annual Policy Surveys are drawn on to assess the explanations for black & Hispanic inequality offered by 1,176 white respondents (Rs). Paired samples t-tests & multinomial logistic regression analyses reveal that white Rs offer more explanations of individual weakness ("no mitivation") for black inequality & more explanations based on weak structures ("no chance for education") for Hispanic inequality. The influence of R sociodemographic & attitudinal characteristics on the likelihood of proffering these explanations is significant. The unique racial & ethnic mix in FL may inhibit the generalizability of these results to the rest of the US. 4 Tables, 1 Appendix, 25 References. K. Hyatt Stewart