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This book looks at sovereignty as a particular form of power and politics. It shows that the fate of bodies in the transition from life to death can provide a key to understanding fundamental ways in which sovereignty is claimed and performed. The contributions analyse (post-)conflict as well as non-conflict contexts, which too often are studied in isolation from one another. Focusing on contemporary issues rather than the equally important historical dimensions, they all grapple with the questions of who governs the dead bodies, how, why and with what effects. The book analyses how dead bodies are placed and dealt with in spaces between competing, overlapping and nested sovereign orders, under normal as well as exceptional conditions. It looks at contributions that draw on psychoanalysis, critical theory, the structuralist-functionalist anthropology of burial rituals and recent ideas of agency and materiality. The book first explains the efforts of states to contain and separate out dead bodies in particular sites. It explores the ways in which such efforts of containment are negotiated and contested in struggles between different entities that claim the dead bodies. The book then shows how entities that claim sovereignty produce effects of sovereignty by challenging and transgressing the laws regarding the legitimate use of violence and how dead bodies should be treated with dignity.

W National Park lies in the border triangle of Benin, Burkina Faso and Niger in West Africa. Established under French colonial rule in 1927, it was designated as the first African transborder biosphere reserve in 2002. Although the Benin part of the reserve was given a participatory management approach in 2002, illegal hunting, logging, transborder mobile herding and cash cropping continue to pose important threats to the reserve. The whole area, especially the buffer zone, is a source of conflicts between the different adjacent communities and between communities and park administration. The book analyses how the surveillance teams operate in this context. It describes encounters between park surveillance staff and local stakeholders in three different arenas: the park's core area, adjacent villages and public political forums. It shows how, in a setting dominated largely by cash crop production, the abstract idea "national park" is being translated by park staff and how in the process local meanings of the idea emerge. Drawing on 14 months of ethnographic research between 2008 and 2010, this book contributes to the current state of research on participatory natural resources management. Moreover, it provides insights into the working of state administration in a context of contradictory policies of conservation and rural development.

Seit geraumer Zeit sehen sich die öffentlichen Universitäten des deutschsprachigen Raumes weitreichenden Veränderungen gegenüber stehen. Die zunehmenden Bestrebungen, etwa das Verhältnis staatlicher Trägerschaft neu zu definieren, die Finanzierung an leistungsbezogene Kriterien zu binden oder Hochschulen verstärkt in ihrer Bedeutung für den nationalen Wirtschaftsstandort zu perspektivieren, verweisen aber auch auf Veränderungen politischer Selbstverständnisse, die über das Feld der Universitäten hinaus zu reichen scheinen. Als besondere Konsequenz und Herausforderung wird in der Vielzahl von wissenschaftlichen Beiträgen zu diesem postulierten neuen Selbstverständnis immer wieder die Frage der Möglichkeit von Kritik in und an diesen Verhältnissen aufgeworfen -- sei es doch gerade ein Spezifikum der gegenwärtigen Entwicklungen, Kritik als Notwendigkeit zugunsten beständiger Innovation mit in die zu kritisierenden Strukturen aufzunehmen und sie damit zu immunisieren. Und auch der traditionelle Bildungsbegriff würde immer stärker in die Anforderungen des modernen Unternehmer*innentums übersetzt und so seinem kritischen Potential beraubt: Von der Mündigkeit zur unternehmerischen Eigeninitiative sei es schließlich nicht weit. Ob und wie angesichts dieser Rahmenbedingungen kritische Einsätze denkbar sind, die sich dennoch als Absetzbewegung verstehen und ob das schillernde Verhältnis von Macht und Kritik bei Foucault etwas zur Beantwortung dieser Frage -- und damit letztendlich zur Kritik an gegenwärtigen hochschulpolitischen Verhältnissen -- beitragen kann, ist Gegenstand dieser Arbeit.

Social science researchers in the global South, and in South Africa particularly, utilise research methods in innovative ways in order to respond to contexts characterised by diversity, racial and political tensions, socioeconomic disparities and gender inequalities. These methods often remain undocumented – a gap that this book starts to address. Written by experts from various methodological fields, Transforming Research Methods in the Social Sciences is a comprehensive collation of original essays and cutting-edge research that demonstrates the variety of novel techniques and research methods available to researchers responding to these context-bound issues. It is particularly relevant for study and research in the fields of applied psychology, sociology, ethnography, biography and anthropology. In addition to their unique combination of conceptual and application issues, the chapters also include discussions on ethical considerations relevant to the method in similar global South contexts. Transforming Research Methods in the Social Sciences has much to offer to researchers, professionals and others involved in social science research both locally and internationally.

What is it like to be a young Muslim man in post-7/7 Britain, and what impact do wider political factors have on the multifaceted identities of young Muslim men? Drawn from the author's ethnographic research of British-born Muslim men in the English town of Luton, Being Young, Male and Muslim in Luton explores the everyday lives of the young men and, in particular, how their identity as Muslims has shaped the way they interact with each other, the local community and the wider world. Through a study of religious values, the pressures of masculinity, the complexities of family and social life, and attitudes towards work and leisure, Ashraf Hoque argues that young Muslims in Luton are subverting what it means to be 'British' through consciously prioritising and re-articulating self-confessed 'Muslim identities' in novel and dynamic ways that suit their experiences as a post-colonial diaspora. Employing extensive participant observation and rich interview content, Hoque paints a detailed picture of young Muslims living in a town consistently associated in the popular media with terrorist activity and as a hotbed for radicalisation. He challenges widely held assumptions about cultural segregation, gender relations and personal liberty in Muslim communities, and gives voice to an emerging generation of Muslims who view Britain as their home and are very much invested in the long-term future of the country and their permanent place within it. This short and accessible book will be of interest to students seeking grounding in Islam and Muslim communities in diaspora, and scholars from an array of social science and humanities backgrounds including Anthropology, Sociology of Religion, Political Science, Urban Studies and Cultural Studies.

This chapter makes an empirical contribution by studying whether the launch of BRI has led to a shift in Central Asian attitudes towards and perceptions of China. We discuss the interaction between China and each of the five Central Asian states, highlighting local attitudes towards and perceptions of the big neighbour. We focus on economic interaction, infrastructure and education initiatives as they are among the main pillars of the BRI agenda, while acknowledging that cooperation on political, diplomatic, and security issues has been no less important for shaping perceptions of China in Central Asia. One limitation of our analysis should be mentioned. It is difficult to separate BRI analytically from other ongoing projects within the bilateral cooperation between China and the Central Asian countries, "as many bilateral agreements are now being brought under the Silk Road and BRI umbrella" (Dave 2018, p. 100). We attempt to overcome this limitation by tracing changes in attitudes towards and perception of China in general since 2013, when BRI was announced, and whether the change can be attributed to the promotion of BRI.

Whether spurred by religious images or academic history books, hardly a day goes by in South Asia without an incident or court case occurring as a result of hurt religious feelings. The sharp rise in blasphemy accusations over the past few decades calls for an investigation into why offence politics has become so pronounced, and why it is observable across religious and political differences. Outrage offers an interdisciplinary study of this growing trend. Bringing together researchers in Anthropology, Religious Studies, Languages, South Asia Studies and History, all with rich experience in the variegated ways in which religion and politics intersect in this region, the volume presents a fine-grained analysis that navigates and unpacks the religious sensitivities and political concerns under discussion.

This book offers insights into the governance of contemporary food systems and their ongoing transformation by social movements. As global food systems face multiple threats and challenges there is an opportunity for social movements and civil society to play a more active role in building social justice and ecological sustainability. Drawing on case studies from Canada, the United States, Europe, and New Zealand, this edited collection showcases promising ways forward for civil society actors to engage in governance. The authors address topics including: the variety of forms that governance engagement takes from multi-stakeholderism to co-governance to polycentrism/self-governance; the values and power dynamics that underpin these different types of governance processes; effective approaches for achieving desired values and goals; and, the broader relationships and networks that may be activated to support change. By examining and comparing a variety of governance innovations, at a range of scales, the book offers insights for those considering contemporary food systems and their ongoing transformation. It is suitable for food studies students and researchers within geography, environmental studies, anthropology, policy studies, planning, health sciences and sociology, and will also be of interest to policy makers and civil society organizations with a focus on food systems.

This research unravels the economic collapse of the Datoga pastoralists of central and northern Tanzania from the 1830s to the beginning of the 21st century. The research builds from the broader literature on continental African pastoralism during the past two centuries. Overall, the literature suggests that African pastoralism is collapsing due to changing political and environmental factors. My dissertation aims to provide a case study adding to the general trends of African pastoralism, while emphasizing the topic of competition as not only physical, but as something that is ethnically negotiated through historical and collective memories. There are two main questions that have guided this project: 1) How is ethnic space defined by the Datoga and their neighbours across different historical times? And 2) what are the origins of the conflicts and violence and how have they been narrated by the state throughout history? Examining archival sources and oral interviews it is clear that the Datoga have struggled through a competitive history of claims on territory against other neighbouring communities. The competitive encounters began with the Maasai entering the Serengeti in the 19th century, and intensified with the introduction of colonialism in Mbulu and Singida in the late 19th and 20th centuries. The fight for control of land and resources resulted in violent clashes with other groups. Often the Datoga were painted as murderers and impediments to development. Policies like the amalgamation measures of the British colonial administration in Mbulu or Ujamaa in post-colonial Tanzania aimed at confronting the "Datoga problem," but were inadequate in neither addressing the Datoga issues of identity, nor providing a solution to their quest for land ownership and control.

If Hardin's (1968) widely cited case of a pasture accessible to everyone were the standard for public natural resources, those resources would have the tendency to be depleted, degraded, destroyed or overexploited. Hardin explains that each herdsman found it more profitable to graze more animals than the pasture could support, since each took all the profit from an extra animal but bore only a fraction of the cost of overgrazing. Yet, what Hardin calls a "Tragedy of the Commons" is rather a "Tragedy of Open Access" (Feeny et al., 1990), since Hardin confuses the characteristics of a resource, such as low excludability and high rivalry in consumption, with its property rights regime which can take diverse forms. Hardin describes an open access system, meaning no rules and no property rights regime in place, that leads to overuse and degradation, instead of a resource that is held in common. Later, Hardin (1994) refers to the same case as an "unmanaged commons". With his pasture example, he aimed to contradict the laissez-faire attitude shared by economists in the late 1800s, which was that if each man pursued his own interest then the interests of all would be best served in the long run. To motivate this chapter, I will recall four possible methods of natural resource management that can resolve this tragedy. I will also highlight the fourth, often overlooked approach, i.e. the public manager option. In fact, there is a continuum between the two polar ends of the spectrum, from governance enacted by a single central authority to a fully decentralized system of individual decision making. Between these two extremes lies a range of governance regimes that might involve higher levels of government along with local systems (Theesfeld, 2008a; Frey et al., 2016).

Vaccinating Britain investigates the relationship between the British public and vaccination policy since 1945. It is the first book to examine British vaccination policy across the post-war period and covers a range of vaccines, providing valuable context and insight for those interested in historical or present-day public health policy debates. Drawing on government documents, newspapers, internet archives and medical texts it shows how the modern vaccination system became established and how the public played a key role in its formation. British parents came to accept vaccination as a safe, effective and cost-efficient preventative measure. But occasional crises showed that faith in the system was tied to contemporary concerns about the medical profession, the power of the state and attitudes to individual vaccines. Thus, at times the British public demanded more comprehensive vaccination coverage from the welfare state; at others they eschewed specific vaccines that they thought were dangerous or unnecessary. Moreover, they did not always act uniformly, with "the public" capable of expressing contradictory demands that were often at odds with official policy. This case study of Britain's vaccination system provides insight into the relationship between the British public and the welfare state, as well as contributing to the historiography of public health and medicine.

This chapter introduces the book's critical approach to the narratives of cultural homogeneity and social cohesion that are usually taken for granted in the understandings of societal security in the Nordic region. Through historical analyses, the contributions show how the idea of exceptional cultural homogeneity was developed through activities by social scientists, nationalist politicians, journalists, and cultural actors, among others. The production of a "homogeneous nation" was achieved through repression and assimilation of indigenous peoples and ethnoracially defined minorities living within the nation-state borders. The chapter locates the themes of the book in international scientific discussions on multiculturalism, racism and securitisation in Europe. These questions have become especially pressing in the wake of the waning welfare states and expanding neoliberal policies. The chapter argues that there is a need for a politics of solidarity that is not based on expectations of cultural, ethnic, or racial homogeneity and their related exclusions. New politics of solidarity needs to acknowledge the histories and currents of colonialism and depart from an understanding of social justice that incorporates and seeks to repair the experiences of cultural and economic injustices.

The fact that women have achieved higher levels of political inclusion within low- and middle-income countries has generated much speculation about whether this is reaping broader benefits in tackling gender-based inequalities. This book uncovers the multiple political dynamics that influence governments to adopt and implement gender equity policies, pushing the debate beyond simply the role of women's inclusion in influencing policy. Bringing the politics of development into discussion with feminist literature on women's empowerment, the book proposes the new concept of 'power domains' as a way to capture how inter-elite bargaining, coalitional politics, and social movement activism combine to shape policies that promote gender equity. In particular, the book investigates the conditions under which countries in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia have adopted legislation against domestic violence, which remains widespread in many developing countries. The book demonstrates that women's presence in formal politics and policy spaces does not fully explain the pace in adopting and implementing domestic violence law. Underlying drivers of change within broader domains of power also include the role of clientelistic politics and informal processes of bargaining, coalition-building, and persuasion; the discursive framing of gender-equitable ideas; and how transnational norms influence women's political inclusion and gender-inclusive policy outcomes. The comparative approach across Uganda, Rwanda, South Africa, Ghana, India, and Bangladesh demonstrates how advancing gender equality varies by political context and according to the interests surrounding a particular issue.

Youth and the Politics of the Present presents a range of topical sociological investigations into various aspects of the everyday practices of young adults in different European contexts. Indeed, this volume provides an original and provocative investigation of various current central issues surrounding the effects of globalization and the directions in which Western societies are steering their future. Containing a wide range of empirical and comparative examples from across Europe, this title highlights how young adults are trying to implement new forms of understanding, interpretation and action to cope with unprecedented situations; developing new forms of relationships, identifications and belonging while they experience new and unprecedented forms of inclusion and exclusion. Grounding this exploration is the suggestion that careful observations of the everyday practices of young adults can be an excellent vantage point to grasp how and in what direction the future of contemporary Western societies is heading. Offering an original and provocative investigation, Youth and the Politics of the Present will appeal to students and researchers interested in fields such as Youth Studies, Globalization Studies, Migration Studies, Gender Studies and Social Policy.

Romani political mobilisation is now an established part of the civil society landscape across Europe. It has given rise to various forms of political participation, with Romani NGOs taking up consultative roles in a number of countries, as well as in inter-governmental organisations. Models of direct political representation of Roma through a kind of quota system exist at the level of local government in Hungary and in the national elections in Romania, and a number of parliamentarians of Romani background have held direct mandates in national legislatives and in the European Parliament