Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Contents -- Preface -- 1. Introduction: 19th-century behaviour in the 21st century? -- 2. Power and world order -- 3. Power and prosperity -- 4. What determines a country's power? -- 5. The rise and fall of great powers -- 6. The consequences of declining power -- 7. The declining power of Europe -- 8. Europe's soft power -- 9. The struggle for Ukraine -- 10. The rising power of China -- 11. Power politics in Asia -- 12. Conclusion: a stable or unstable world? -- Notes -- Index

The United States spends more on its military than the rest of the world combined, and Western nations in general spend far more than developing nations around the globe. Yet when Western nations have found themselves in conflicts in recent decades, their military performance has been mixed at best. In this fully updated new edition of The Art of Military Coercion, Rob de Wijk explains this discrepancy through a theory on the use of force. He argues that the key is a failure to use force decisively and to understand properly the dynamics of conflict and balance, means and ends. Without that ab

Abstract:The new Russian military doctrine from 2010, the growing international assertiveness of Russia, and eventually the annexation of the Crimea Peninsula in 2014 have forced the West to rethink deterrence strategies vis a vis Russia. Consequently, the old Cold War concept of deterrence was dusted off and the debate picked up from where it had ended in 1990. This article summarizes the end of the Cold War thinking on deterring aggression against NATO-Europe. It explains why the present Western theoretical foundation of deterrence, which still focuses on strong conventional forces backed up by nuclear weapons, no longer suffices, and argues that the new Russian concept of strategic deterrence requires a complete overhaul of the Western approach. It is not only the security of the Baltic member states of NATO or of transatlantic cables that matter, Europe has to cope with desinformation and destabilization campaigns and has to rethink its energy security strategy. Only together can NATO and EU master these challenges.

Kurzfassung:Die neue russische Militärdoktrin von 2010, das immer selbstbewusstere Auftreten Russlands und schließlich die Annexion der Krim haben dazu geführt, dass in Europa wieder über Konzepte der Abschreckung von Aggressionen diskutiert wird. In diesem Beitrag wird aufgezeigt, dass den aktuellen sicherheitspolitischen Herausforderungen allein unter Rückgriff auf alte Abschreckungskonzepte aus der Zeit des Kalten Krieges nicht begegnet werden kann. Die Bedrohungen erfordern eine neu formulierte Abschreckung, mit der nicht nur der Bestand der baltischen Staaten oder die Unversehrtheit der transatlantischen Datenübertragung gesichert werden kann. Europa muss sich auch der russischen Absichten, über Falschinformationen Chaos zu stiften, erwehren sowie sich der Frage stellen, wie die eigene Energiesicherheit zu schützen ist. Festzustellen ist, dass NATO und EU die Sicherheit des Westens nur gemeinsam gewährleisten können.

The future development of the European Union's European Security & Defense Policy is examined; specific attention is dedicated to addressing how the EU's strategic perspective can enhance its transatlantic relations. The evolution of European Security & Defense Policy is explored, emphasizing the EU's creation of a Common Foreign & Security Policy & the EU's role involvement in contemporary regional crises. It is then contended that European defense is compromised by insufficient deployable forces & inadequate air- & sea-based capabilities; factors responsible for these deficiencies are identified. The EU's need to contemplate future collaboration between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization Response Force & the European Rapid Response Force is stressed. In addition, the impact of the US-led attacks on Iraq in Mar 2003 on European security & defense strategy is contemplated; for instance, it is asserted that many EU member-states advocated a bolder iteration of European Security & Defense policy following Operation Iraqi Freedom. Rather than challenge the strengthening of European security & defense, it is concluded that the US should interpret such a development as an opportunity to create a healthy transatlantic strategic partnership. J. W. Parker

Examines Dutch foreign policy in the shifting security milieu of post-Cold War transatlantic relations. Four consistent factors underlying Dutch foreign policy are delineated: (1) a strong legal approach, (2) support of international organizations, (3) a degree of antimilitarism or pacifism, & (4) a maritime or anticontinental focus. The impact of geostrategic changes borne of the collapse of the Warsaw Pact & Soviet Union on Dutch foreign policy are addressed before focusing on the affects of the 2002 crisis on Dutch domestic politics & foreign & security policy. On top of this domestic crisis there came the Iraq crisis; the Netherlands' decision not to take sides amid the US-European split is detailed. The minimalist & maximalist positions on Europe's security & defense integration are next addressed, arguing that the Netherlands supports economic integration but is reluctant with respect to security & defense integration. Dutch defense policy is then considered, making a comparison to Canada. Ultimately, the Netherlands needs to spend more on defense & strike a better balance between NATO & the European Security & Defense Policy. J. Zendejas