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In this chapter I will describe the difficulties and the ambitions of African leaders from the perspective of Lions Clubs, and explain the interest of studying an association to analyse a social dynamic. In the economic world, African business leaders seek a pan-African attitude which is also in line with the Lions Clubs'high-ranking African members' aspiration for independence (which in practice means separating from Indian and Pakistani clubs). The association's struggle is symbolic but also political, positioning African at the centre of the map and echoing the call from African entrepreneurs. The Cameroonian Acha Leke, McKinsey's senior analyst and a co-founder of pan-Africanist think tank (African Leadership Network) wants to attract homegrown African businessmen. In a report he wrote entitled "Lions on The Move" (2010-2016), he calls for African leaders to be aggressive like "Asian Tigers" because, in his opinion small-scale investors don't believe in their own capacities and allow their resources to be exploited by the others. Large-scale entrepreneurs share the same difficulties as high-ranking associative members (see Akinyoade, Dietz, Uche, 2017) in that they have to convince their colleagues to be ambitious and nationalist African actors, and to reach this objective they have to develop a "political strategy". Based on my observations of the Lions Clubs association, especially among the African Leadership group (which comprises major business owners and business lawyers), I have collected data on what we can call "political strategy". The first step is to present a credible profile, showing the ability to communicate with Western leaders, to write proposals. In other words, high-level members have to demonstrate a political profile and not a business appetite. After, they have to convince their colleagues and teach these political skills to small-scale entrepreneurs, because they are looking for "good members", motivated men not only wealthy and rich businessmen, " and believe me it's not easy" said one of them. The negotiation round at Brazzaville, (fieldwork, 2015) and its preparation at a local level (fieldwork, 2011-14) of Lions Club independence, offers me a look about the political ambition of African entrepreneurs and the difficulties to accomplish this revolution, which is a kind of neo-liberal pan-Africanism. My analysis will reveal the fragility of the African network, but also demonstrate that the actors are aware of its weaknesses. It will also reveal Africans' comprehensive understanding of Western rules, which is an asset they use to compensate for their lack of trained members. To conclude, I will show, through ethnographic data, that it is necessary to take into account criteria such as pride, history and tools like rhetoric, in addition to per capita incomes or economic analyses (Jerven, 2015), in order to be able to analyze and understand the social dynamic of African actors. Chapter topics: - A continental ambition: The Lions Clubs network manages a well-organized structure that allows it to control clubs spread across the continent - The Lions Clubs' independence is a negotiation in which Africans have to demonstrate their ability to act as managers. - Diplomatic skills over economic power. - Comparison and example of intra-African difficulties, Lions Clubs vs economic world (Akinyoade and Uche 2017).

In this chapter I will describe the difficulties and the ambitions of African leaders from the perspective of Lions Clubs, and explain the interest of studying an association to analyse a social dynamic. In the economic world, African business leaders seek a pan-African attitude which is also in line with the Lions Clubs'high-ranking African members' aspiration for independence (which in practice means separating from Indian and Pakistani clubs). The association's struggle is symbolic but also political, positioning African at the centre of the map and echoing the call from African entrepreneurs. The Cameroonian Acha Leke, McKinsey's senior analyst and a co-founder of pan-Africanist think tank (African Leadership Network) wants to attract homegrown African businessmen. In a report he wrote entitled "Lions on The Move" (2010-2016), he calls for African leaders to be aggressive like "Asian Tigers" because, in his opinion small-scale investors don't believe in their own capacities and allow their resources to be exploited by the others. Large-scale entrepreneurs share the same difficulties as high-ranking associative members (see Akinyoade, Dietz, Uche, 2017) in that they have to convince their colleagues to be ambitious and nationalist African actors, and to reach this objective they have to develop a "political strategy". Based on my observations of the Lions Clubs association, especially among the African Leadership group (which comprises major business owners and business lawyers), I have collected data on what we can call "political strategy". The first step is to present a credible profile, showing the ability to communicate with Western leaders, to write proposals. In other words, high-level members have to demonstrate a political profile and not a business appetite. After, they have to convince their colleagues and teach these political skills to small-scale entrepreneurs, because they are looking for "good members", motivated men not only wealthy and rich businessmen, " and believe me it's not easy" said one of them. The negotiation round at Brazzaville, (fieldwork, 2015) and its preparation at a local level (fieldwork, 2011-14) of Lions Club independence, offers me a look about the political ambition of African entrepreneurs and the difficulties to accomplish this revolution, which is a kind of neo-liberal pan-Africanism. My analysis will reveal the fragility of the African network, but also demonstrate that the actors are aware of its weaknesses. It will also reveal Africans' comprehensive understanding of Western rules, which is an asset they use to compensate for their lack of trained members. To conclude, I will show, through ethnographic data, that it is necessary to take into account criteria such as pride, history and tools like rhetoric, in addition to per capita incomes or economic analyses (Jerven, 2015), in order to be able to analyze and understand the social dynamic of African actors. Chapter topics: - A continental ambition: The Lions Clubs network manages a well-organized structure that allows it to control clubs spread across the continent - The Lions Clubs' independence is a negotiation in which Africans have to demonstrate their ability to act as managers. - Diplomatic skills over economic power. - Comparison and example of intra-African difficulties, Lions Clubs vs economic world (Akinyoade and Uche 2017).

L'article décrit la transformation des membres du Lions Club au Bénin, suite au changement de politique initié à l'échelle internationale. L'obligation de recruter de nombreuses personnes modifie les critères définissant le « bon » candidat. Les critères ne dépendront plus exclusivement de la culture légitime associé à un espace de vie (d'élite), tel que Bourdieu le suggère dans le livre La distinction. En effet, son approche se basant sur la conjonction des capitaux familiaux et scolaires pour asseoir la stature de l'individu n'est pas pertiennte auprès de tous les membres. Le capital professionnel va désormais être un facteur important pour déterminer quels seraient les « bons membres », les aptitudes professionnelles influencent le bagage culturel, en mêlant culture populaire et légitime. L'enquête ethnographique réalisée auprès de membres d'origine « populaire », et plus jeunes le montre. Ainsi, la classe d'origine reste un facteur déterminant dans la sélection des candidats, mais les pratiques culturelles sont influencées par l'âge des individus, qui quelque soit leur extraction partagent des pratiques. L'arrivée de nouveaux membres va ainsi élargir le spectre social élitiste et sélectif du club. Les analyses effectuées en France dans les années 1960 et 1970, par Bourdieu et Passeron sont donc pertinentes et applicable au Bénin, si l'on s'intéresse aux membres le plus âgés ou issus des clubs les plus anciens. Par contre, la séparation entre culture populaire et légitime qui s'estompe dans les nouveaux clubs, en jaugeant la distinction à la mesure d'un engagement et d'un investissement personnel est similaires aux analyses plus recentes de Bennett (2013) et Glevarec (2013) Ils constatent un rapprochement des espaces de vies, de manière horizontale, en constatant l'obsolescence d'une stratification verticale, et dominante, de la structuration des pratiques culturelles.

L'article décrit la transformation des membres du Lions Club au Bénin, suite au changement de politique initié à l'échelle internationale. L'obligation de recruter de nombreuses personnes modifie les critères définissant le « bon » candidat. Les critères ne dépendront plus exclusivement de la culture légitime associé à un espace de vie (d'élite), tel que Bourdieu le suggère dans le livre La distinction. En effet, son approche se basant sur la conjonction des capitaux familiaux et scolaires pour asseoir la stature de l'individu n'est pas pertiennte auprès de tous les membres. Le capital professionnel va désormais être un facteur important pour déterminer quels seraient les « bons membres », les aptitudes professionnelles influencent le bagage culturel, en mêlant culture populaire et légitime. L'enquête ethnographique réalisée auprès de membres d'origine « populaire », et plus jeunes le montre. Ainsi, la classe d'origine reste un facteur déterminant dans la sélection des candidats, mais les pratiques culturelles sont influencées par l'âge des individus, qui quelque soit leur extraction partagent des pratiques. L'arrivée de nouveaux membres va ainsi élargir le spectre social élitiste et sélectif du club. Les analyses effectuées en France dans les années 1960 et 1970, par Bourdieu et Passeron sont donc pertinentes et applicable au Bénin, si l'on s'intéresse aux membres le plus âgés ou issus des clubs les plus anciens. Par contre, la séparation entre culture populaire et légitime qui s'estompe dans les nouveaux clubs, en jaugeant la distinction à la mesure d'un engagement et d'un investissement personnel est similaires aux analyses plus recentes de Bennett (2013) et Glevarec (2013) Ils constatent un rapprochement des espaces de vies, de manière horizontale, en constatant l'obsolescence d'une stratification verticale, et dominante, de la structuration des pratiques culturelles.

Cet article questionne la nature des dons du Lions Clubs africain. Les « œuvres », telles que sont nommées les opérations philanthropiques, restent la « propriété du donateur », comme Weiner le décrit ; elles servent à mettre en valeur les donateurs, qui se soucient peu des populations aidées. Ce qui nous intéresse est de définir la relation entre ces donateurs, situés en Afrique et en Occident lors de la transmission des « œuvres », qui révèle le caractère inégal des relations entre ceux-ci bien que tous membres de la même association. Le « donner tout en gardant » de Weiner deviendrait dans un contexte postcolonial une circulation « qui crée la soumission », non pas celle du récipiendaire, mais celle du donateur africain. Le don philanthropique serait le signe d'une « extraversion caritative », expression dérivée du terme du politiste Jean-François Bayart, une soumission orchestrée par les dominés afin de gagner du pouvoir à l'échelle locale.