Suchergebnisse

Purpose
There is widespread debate about the nationalistic top-down approach of citizenship education. By using the notion of cultural citizenship as a useful theoretical lens, citizenship education research tends to focus on the process of subjectivity construction among students' citizenship learning process. The Communist Party of China plays a dominant role in cultivating citizens in the form of ideological and political education (IaPE) in Chinese universities. The research problem thus focuses on the dynamics and complexity of how Chinese university students construct their subjectivities regarding citizenship learning through IaPE. The main purpose of the study is to provide some research directions for understanding students' citizenship learning today.


Design/methodology/approach
With the case study of one university in China and interview data from 25 students, this paper examines the ways in which students understand and respond to dominant discourses.


Findings
The findings revealed there is a deficit of citizenship learning in IaPE, and students felt ideologically pressurized. This study suggests students' complex subjectivities of active participants but confused minds as a phenomenon in Chinese higher education, in which they must involve in IaPE for personal academic and career development, while they adopted covert strategies for self-conscious citizenship learning expectations. These strategies took the form ranging from obediently completing basic curriculum requirements and distancing away by studying abroad, to actively searching for learning opportunities from other courses and media society.


Originality/value
This paper contributes to citizenship education research by recognizing the complexities of how subjectivities are formed in formal university settings.

In the context of China's rural renaissance, e-commerce may take on a whole new level and degree of use, opening up new opportunities for its development. The pandemic COVID-19 has had a significant impact on stimulating the use of electronic forms of trade. However, the development of e-commerce in China's rural areas still faces challenges. The article discusses the current development status of e-commerce in China's rural areas, including its conditions, degree, and development level for different regions, hoping to provide the basis for solving the problems in the management of rural e-commerce in China. The author's findings: a) relatively sound infrastructure, including network, logistics, information services and financial infrastructure; b) the rural e-commerce transactions scale increases year by year, but its growth rate slows down, although and is stable, and the difference in development between regions is still great; c) the e-commerce of agricultural products develops rapidly, but affected by the epidemic, and varies greatly among the regions.

This volume contains a selection of the edited and in some cases translated papers presented at the first South-South Human Rights Forum held in Beijing. The conference was jointly sponsored by the State Council Information Office and the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The event drew hundreds of participants, mainly scholars and government officials from developing countries and international organizations. Its main theme was ?Building a Human Community with a Shared Future?, which built on a proposal launched by President Xi Jinping. The papers are mostly short and often policy-oriented, offering a unique insight into the thinking and planning associated with this South-South exchange and thus a wealth of information of interest to scholars. The topics covered emerge primarily from development-related issues, such as the rights to food, education, health and poverty reduction. Though much of the volume thus focuses on economic and social rights and the right to development, civil and political rights are also discussed in the context of the need for legal guarantees for the exercise of human rights and judicial protection of rights

A long existing compulsive curriculum of ideological and political education is employed by the Chinese government to promote citizenship education among Chinese university students. This article builds on the findings of a mixed-methods research that examined the role of ideological and political education on university students' civic perceptions and civic participation. The results showed little evidence of this curriculum having a clear effect on students' political participation such as voting, as well as their idealized broad civic participation, but did reveal relatively positive effects on students' civic intention and civic expression. In addition, it also identified its significant role in organizing students towards attending party-related activities. It shows that ideological and political education is insufficient to achieve specified aims of citizenship education among Chinese university students. We then argue that it results from a mechanistic understanding of citizenship and participation in educational policies and structural barriers to young people's formal participation. Hence, this article argues that the forms and contents of citizenship education in China need to be reconsidered beyond the limits of the current ideological and political education and that the analyses contributed to an argument for a broader approach to citizenship education to be developed and adopted.

A long existing compulsive curriculum of ideological and political education is employed by the Chinese government to promote citizenship education among Chinese university students. This article builds on the findings of a mixed-methods research that examined the role of ideological and political education on university students' civic perceptions and civic participation. The results showed little evidence of this curriculum having a clear effect on students' political participation such as voting, as well as their idealized broad civic participation, but did reveal relatively positive effects on students' civic intention and civic expression. In addition, it also identified its significant role in organizing students towards attending party-related activities. It shows that ideological and political education is insufficient to achieve specified aims of citizenship education among Chinese university students. We then argue that it results from a mechanistic understanding of citizenship and participation in educational policies and structural barriers to young people's formal participation. Hence, this article argues that the forms and contents of citizenship education in China need to be reconsidered beyond the limits of the current ideological and political education and that the analyses contributed to an argument for a broader approach to citizenship education to be developed and adopted.

AbstractThe digital economy is an essential engine of the innovation-driven development strategy and plays a valuable role in promoting the high-quality development of the regional economy. Based on the panel data of 286 cities in mainland China with the help of the digital economy strategic plans issued by local governments as a quasi-natural experiment, we use the multi-temporal double-difference (DID) method to examine the impact of the digital economy on the urban innovation level. Findings show that the digital economy can significantly improve the urban innovation level. After a series of robustness tests, such as parallel trend test, updating sample and period, and repeated placebo test, the innovation-driving effect generated by the development of the digital economy remains significant. Results of the mechanism analysis indicate that the digital economy enhances the level of innovation through upgrading industrial structures. In addition, we find through the heterogeneity test that the digital economy has a stronger effect on improving the quality of innovation. Meanwhile, the innovation output in the Middle Eastern region is more significantly affected by the "Digital China" strategy than the Western region. Therefore, we should accelerate the implementation of the local digital economy development strategy to realize the high-quality development of the regional economy.

Participatory governance has become a mode of governance around the world since the 1990s, including in non-democratic contexts. Since November 2002, the notion of participatory governance has indeed been appropriated by the Chinese authorities after the 16th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Since 2010, numerous experiments in participatory governance have been implemented in China, from participatory budgeting to participatory planning. This essay studies the specific development of participatory governance in China through the role of urban planners. It will first discuss the context of the development of public participation at local levels, while analysing the emergence of participatory planning and its implications. Furthermore, it will analyse the role of planners in participatory planning. Then, it will focus on the transformation of local governance, especially in the case of community governance. In the final sections, the article will discuss planner-mediated participation and reflect on more academic thoughts on the model. It will conclude with a discussion on Chinese participative experiments. (China Perspect/GIGA)