Suchergebnisse

Based on three case studies, this working paper analyzes under which circumstances states and multilateral organizations implement sanctions. In recent decades, sanctions have become a popular instrument for fighting terrorism, ending violent conflicts, improving the human rights situation and promoting democracy. Yet why are hard measures only imposed on some countries, whereas others go unpunished, leaving the civilian population to pay the price? In Myanmar, various sanctions were implemented especially by the EU and the USA. Myanmar was the first country under ILO sanctions due to the fact that its government promoted forced labour. In addition, non-state actors successfully appealed to boycott transnational companies producing in Myanmar. The opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who receives high international publicity, and numerous worldwide Burma campaigns effectively called for international sanctions. In Sudan, human rights violations in Darfur as well as during the North-South conflict were ignored by the EU and the UN for a long time. In comparison to Myanmar, NGO engagement was negligible. The UN imposed sanctions due to the involvement of the Sudanese government in Islamic terrorism, but without the objective to improve the human rights situation. The imposition of 'smart' sanctions by the EU ultimately did not contribute to the improvement of human rights. In South Africa various long-term sanctions were imposed, but partly implemented ineffectively. (Inter)national civil society was very active in the case of South Africa: (1) international public interest was influential, (2) there was a strong and effective anti-apartheid movement worldwide and (3) a strong internal opposition. The conclusion sums up that the imposition of sanctions is primarily influenced by: (1) the danger for international security, which stems from instability and disruption of a state, (2) the degree of public interest in a country, (3) the existence of an opposition that is based on democratic values, (4) the compatibility of sanctions with the sender's economic interests, (5) the extent to which conflicting parties can be identified as good or bad and (6) the complexity of a conflict. [Autorenreferat]

When violence has ceased it is often assumed that from this very moment peace has been restored. Definitions of peace and war have influenced earlier peace building interventions which in turn constituted the simple act of putting the weapons down as sufficient. Only recently have attempts to incorporate wider angles of facilitating peace and development been utilised. Critical approaches enhancing the perception of peace are put forward by Peace Theory scholars such as Johan Galtung and actual lessons learned serve to counter prevailing criticsm from Realist perspectives on peace. This paper demonstrates a rationale and case for supporting a more promising as well as more realistic view of peace and conflict management offered by peace theoretical considerations and approaches.

"The working paper will contribute to the theoretical discussion about ethnicity and ethnic conflict in general, and in the Rwandan context specifically. It will promote a conception of ethnicity which allows to bridge the opposition between primordial and constructivist approaches commonly found in the scientific discussion. This can be achieved by focussing on the perceptions of social actors, thereby avoiding a superficial analysis of ethnicity and ethnic conflict. This approach assumes ethnicity to be a social category that has been (re)constructed as primordial, meaning that it is constructed to imply a genetically predetermined and fixed parameter. First of all, the case of Rwanda serves to illustrate the opposing approaches that dominate the discussion about ethnicity. The elaboration of the proposed theory will demonstrate the insufficiency of these discussions to grasp the phenomenon of ethnicity. In addition, the theory will show how prior arguments about the question whether speaking of 'ethnic conflict' or not missed the point. Therefore, the question whether the Rwandan genocide was an 'ethnic conflict' needs to be re-examined. In order to avoid the risk of a superficial analysis of ethnicity and ethnic conflict (in the Rwandan context), the experiences and views of people who witnessed tensions and atrocities based on ethnic affiliation will be taken into account. In order to prevent an essentialisation of ethnicity, which could result from merely describing and taking into account the actual perceptions of actors, the historical origin of the ethnic categories in Rwanda will be traced. On the basis of empirical statements, the contradictions and points of contact between the official narration promoted by scientists and the narration of Rwandans will be demonstrated. Finally, the problems and advantages of the scientific discourse on ethnicity in the Rwandan context will be discussed." (author's abstract)

"Human Trafficking is a phenomenon often observed in post-conflict environments and as such can be analysed from the stand of peace and conflict studies. Trafficking in women for the purpose of forced prostitution has been a serious problem in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. A prominent approach is to look at the international personnel as a factor influencing the fast growing sex industry. I argue that such a view is too short-sighted and that social factors play a vital role for the degradation of women to objects. The militarisation of society and a hatred of women before, during and after the war facilitated the trafficking in women. After having looked at the phenomenon of trafficking and reasons for women to migrate, I then examine the factors that helped to make Bosnia and Herzegovina a destination country for trafficked women. One factor that remains is the involvement of international personnel. The trafficking was facilitated by a weak juridical system and a corrupt police. Then I turn to the factors within the Bosnian society: I show that even though the communists declared the 'women's question' as solved, they could not change gender relations in former Yugoslavia to a true gender equality. During the break-up of Yugoslavia, traditional gender relations became part of the war strategy, using gender images either to form a group or dissociate it from the other. In this context, rape also aimed at humiliating the other groups and served as a tool of communication between men. This misogynist strategy laid ground for trafficking and trading women like commodities. The presence of international personnel is thus only one factor for the expansion of prostitution, albeit the most visible. The other factors are deeper embedded within society and its specific postconflictsituation." (author's abstract)

"Ziel dieses Working-Papers ist, erstens dafür zu sensibilisieren, wie und wo Gender in Konflikten und Kriegen relevant wird, und zweitens die gegenwärtigen politischen Initiativen zur Konfliktbearbeitung in den nationalen und internationalen Organisationen aus einer gendersensiblen Perspektive kritisch zu reflektieren. Generell ist hier die Tendenz zu beobachten, dass Gender trotz anders lautender Bekundungen in der Praxis immer noch vor allem als 'Frauensache' wahrgenommen und umgesetzt wird. Wie eine feministische oder gendersensible Perspektive aussieht, wird im ersten Abschnitt mit der Darstellung feministischer Forderungen an die Friedens- und Konfliktforschung erläutert. Dieser folgt ein Abschnitt über internationale Initiativen und Resolutionen, die die Integration einer Genderperspektive in die internationale Friedens- und Sicherheitspolitik zu fördern versuchen. In Abschnitt vier wird die Bedeutung von Genderidentitäten für die Entstehung und den Verlauf und die Bearbeitung gewaltförmiger Konflikte herausgearbeitet. Im zweiten Teil des Abschnitts werden insbesondere verschiedene Erfahrungen und Positionierungen von Frauen und Männern betrachtet und die Integration gendersensibler Maßnahmen in sowohl der zivilen als auch der militärischen Konfliktbearbeitung genauer analysiert. Während die vorherigen Abschnitte sich vor allem auf internationale Studien und Erkenntnisse beziehen, wird in Abschnitt fünf kurz auf die Umsetzung der Genderperspektive in die deutschen Außen-, Friedens- und Sicherheitspolitik eingegangen. Der abschließende Abschnitt fasst die beschriebenen aktuellen Tendenzen kritisch zusammen und weist auf vorhandene Leerstellen und notwendige Forschungsfragen bzw. möglichen Handlungsbedarf hin." (Autorenreferat)

Der Verfasser behandelt postnationale Konflikte aus makrosoziologischer Sicht. Zunächst werden postmoderne Konzepte des Politischen diskutiert (Lefort, Laclau), die den Wandel der Weltgesellschaft und die Rolle neuer Konflikte in diesem Wandel verstehen helfen. Das Konzept des Politischen beschreibt, wie Gesellschaften ihre Identität in Symbole fassen. Das klassische Konzept ist hier der Nationalstaat und die territoriale Konstruktion der politischen Gemeinschaft. Die Demontage des politischen Systems der Weltgesellschaft fällt zusammen mit der Erosion des auf dem Nationalstaat basierenden Modells des Politischen. Zwei Konsequenzen lassen sich formulieren: (1) Die Evolution der Weltgesellschaft geht mit einer Pluralisierung der Politikmodelle einher - global, national und regional. (2) Die Weltgesellschaft ist heute durch Konflikte zwischen diese Konzepten des Politischen charakterisiert. (ICEÜbers)

Die NATO übernahm mit dem Einsatz in Afghanistan zum dritten Mal nach Bosnien und dem Kosovo wichtige Aufgaben bei der Aufrechterhaltung des Friedens in einem Nachkriegsland. Die vorliegende Arbeit entstand im Kontext dieser Missionserweiterung und untersucht zwei Computerprogramme, die von der NATO entwickelt worden sind, um Missionen zu planen und zu simulieren, im Hinblick auf die Frage, inwiefern diese in der Lage sind, den Herausforderungen von eskalierten Gewaltkonflikten zu begegnen. Der Schwerpunkt wird dabei auf das so genannte "post-conflict peacebuilding" gelegt, das in den letzten Jahren einen immer größeren Stellenwert bei der Nachbearbeitung solcher Konflikte erlangt hat. In der vorliegenden Arbeit werden zum einen die Erkenntnisse aus den praktischen Erfahrungen mit Peacebuilding und aus dem wissenschaftlichen Diskurs herausgearbeitet und andererseits mit den Möglichkeiten der beiden Computerprogramme ZETA und GAMMA verglichen. Die Kernfrage bei diesem Abgleich ist auf die Anforderungen an externe Peacebuilding-Strategien gerichtet: Wie können diese prinzipiell in den bestehenden Programmen abgebildet werden und wie werden sie in den einzelnen Szenarien dargestellt? (ICI)

"The field of peace and conflict studies is characterized by certain boundaries: In general terms, researchers differentiate between normative and analytical approaches as well as between structuralist, culturalist and actor oriented concepts. These different perspectives are typically indicated by different notions of conflict and violence, thereby often leading to an analytical separation between conflict analysis and conflict resolution. Lars Schmitt's working paper takes this constellation as a starting point to develop a new perspective for the analysis and transformation of conflicts. His analytical heuristic, the so called habitus-structure conflicts, attempts to overcome these oppositions which are considered untenable from an epistemological viewpoint. Based on the socioanalysis of Pierre Bourdieu, this heuristic is presented as a hermeneutic circle indicating the interrelation of social inequality and power relations on the one and conflicts on the other hand. Symbolic violence can be seen here as a functional principle of society: It allows society to reproduce itself by keeping conflicts at a latent level. Depending on their respective group affiliation, the chances of individuals at securing decent standards of living are unequally distributed. Yet this inequality is unlikely to erupt into (direct) violence. This applies for at least two reasons. First, habitus and structure are inherently linked to each other. Individuals internalize inequality at an early stage (habitus); as a result, they tend not to conceive of situations in which inequalities materialize (structure) as illegitimate. Second, the unequal distribution of chances to secure a decent living is mediated by symbols and 'naturalized' during that process. Individuals realize that hierarchies exist; due to the plurality of symbols and the possibility to choose between them, however, they perceive them as naturally given, as based on merit, as just. As a consequence, the social genesis of inequality remains unacknowledged and potential class conflicts are transformed into individualized competitions in social fields, intrapersonal psychic conflicts or violence against scapegoats. The key concept of habitus-structure conflicts is able to frame these different conflicts within a society and to relate them to the underlying symbolic violence. In the conclusion, Lars Schmitt illustrates that uncovering the hidden mechanisms of power may not only lead to emancipatory effects at the individual level, but is also a prerequisite for mediating intercultural conflicts." (author's abstract)

"Based on three case studies, this working paper analyzes under which circumstances states and multilateral organizations implement sanctions. In recent decades, sanctions have become a popular instrument for fighting terrorism, ending violent conflicts, improving the human rights situation and promoting democracy. Yet why are hard measures only imposed on some countries, whereas others go unpunished, leaving the civilian population to pay the price? In Myanmar, various sanctions were implemented especially by the EU and the USA. Myanmar was the first country under ILO sanctions due to the fact that its government promoted forced labour. In addition, non-state actors successfully appealed to boycott transnational companies producing in Myanmar. The opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who receives high international publicity, and numerous worldwide Burma campaigns effectively called for international sanctions. In Sudan, human rights violations in Darfur as well as during the North-South conflict were ignored by the EU and the UN for a long time. In comparison to Myanmar, NGO engagement was negligible. The UN imposed sanctions due to the involvement of the Sudanese government in Islamic terrorism, but without the objective to improve the human rights situation. The imposition of 'smart' sanctions by the EU ultimately did not contribute to the improvement of human rights. In South Africa various long-term sanctions were imposed, but partly implemented ineffectively. (Inter)national civil society was very active in the case of South Africa: (1) international public interest was influential, (2) there was a strong and effective anti-apartheid movement worldwide and (3) a strong internal opposition. The conclusion sums up that the imposition of sanctions is primarily influenced by: (1) the danger for international security, which stems from instability and disruption of a state, (2) the degree of public interest in a country, (3) the existence of an opposition that is based on democratic values, (4) the compatibility of sanctions with the sender's economic interests, (5) the extent to which conflicting parties can be identified as good or bad and (6) the complexity of a conflict." (author's abstract)

"More than a decade after the Dayton Peace Accords, the question remains whether peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) will sustain. Assuming that the economic prosperity plays a crucial role for a successful peacebuilding process, this working paper addresses the potential and the risks of economic development, focusing on three particular aspects: corruption, informal labor and the brain drain phenomenon. Rob Scheid shows that corruption is an endemic problem concerning governance, civil society, and the economy in BiH. He outlines examples of the various forms corruption takes and discusses steps taken to combat this issue, arguing that corruption's detraction from economic development prolongs the peacebuilding process. Julika Bake deals with the phenomenon of illicit labor, which is seen as one of the major obstacles to economic prosperity in BiH. She argues that besides macroeconomic recovery and labor policy, the links between local political elites and informal employers have to be taken into account to successfully create formal employment. Simon Runkel addresses the difficult labor situation of young people and the resulting emigration, particularly of the well educated. In his opinion, reforms in the fields of education as well as private investment are necessary to facilitate the return of emigrants and to benefit from the positive long-term effect of the so-called brain drain phenomenon. All three sections of this working paper hold that the peacebuilding process would benefit to a great extent from the strengthening of formal economic relations, the weakening of links between the economic and political spheres, especially on a local level, as well as from the creation of job opportunities. Although economic prosperity and sustainable development often seem beneficial they do not appear to be a primary concern in peacebuilding. This paper shows that economic aspects are crucial to the question of whether peace will stay and last in Bosnia and Herzegovina." (author's abstract)

"Die Proteste in den französischen Vorstädten im Oktober/ November 2005 kamen für viele in Art, Ausmaß und Intensität überraschend. Bei genauerem Hinsehen zeigt sich jedoch, dass sich in den großen Städten Frankreichs schon seit geraumer Zeit in den sog. banlieues eine hochexplosive Mischung sozialer Probleme zusammenbraut, für die es nur noch geeigneter Anlässe bedarf, damit diese gewaltsam eskalieren. Im vorliegenden working paper soll aus verschiedenen disziplinären Perspektiven (Politikwissenschaft, Soziologie, Sozialpsychologie) auf die Proteste geschaut und ihre wichtigsten Aspekte analysiert werden. Peter Imbusch wirft einführend einige der mit den Protesten immer wieder auftauchenden Fragen auf, deren Beantwortung Gegenstand der nachfolgenden Beiträge ist. Johannes M. Becker benennt die Faktoren, die Ausbruch und Verlauf der Proteste bestimmt haben. Lars Schmitt verdeutlicht sodann die Bedingungen der Möglichkeit für das Entstehen einer Protestbewegung und stellt die Formierung einer solchen Bewegung als einen äußerst voraussetzungsreichen Prozess dar. Ulrich Wagner und Jost Stellmacher loten schließlich die mikrosoziologischen und sozialpsychologischen Aspekte aus, die Protestbewegungen Identität und Zusammenhalt bescheren und damit erst zielgerichtetes Handeln als Gruppe ermöglichen - oder eben auch nicht ermöglichen. Abschließend resümiert Peter Imbusch die Debatten mit einer konfliktsoziologischen Einbettung v.a. im Hinblick auf die Ursachen der Proteste und die Möglichkeiten eines Übergreifens auf Deutschland." (Autorenreferat). Inhaltsverzeichnis: Peter Imbusch: Die Proteste in Frankreich - einige einleitende Überlegungen (8-10); Johannes M. Becker: Frankreichs Vorstädte brennen wieder - eine Analyse in acht Schritten (11-16); Lars Schmitt: Wie ausgeschlossen muss man sein um zu protestieren? Sozialer Protest und seine Voraussetzungen (17-21); Ulrich Wagner, Jost Stellmacher: Makroprobleme und konkretes Verhalten oder: Wie kommt die Krise des Sozialstaats in den Molotowcocktail? (22-24); Peter Imbusch: Französische Zustände Verstehen - ein Resümee der Proteste (25-27).