Somaiyeh Falahat, Libby Porter, Justin Tse, and Ryan Walker have offered eloquent and powerful critiques of an attempt to interpret images and representations of the Vancouver global city-region in the spirit of crime-scene photographs. This response seeks to engage these valuable critiques in relation to Cindi Katz's work on social reproduction and Gayatri Spivak's conceptualisation of planetarity.
Cities are real, physical, material concentrations of human activities and built environments, but they are also portals that allow and require unique ways of perceiving relations across space and time. Photography, especially the genre of seductive urban landscape views so often deployed by airlines, realtors, and city boosters, distorts our perceptions of space-time. These distortions are particularly serious in the unique configuration of Indigeneity and transnationalization that constitutes the lands presently known as Canada and British Columbia. Drawing inspiration from Sontag's dark but essential Regarding the Pain of Others, and focusing on the Vancouver global city region, this article seeks to develop critical captions for urban landscape views as what Eugène Atget portrayed as crime-scene evidence.
For more than 40 years, Neil Smith's rent gap theory of gentrification has been one of the most influential concepts in critical urban research. In recent years, however, the rent gap has been challenged as an economically deterministic tool suitable only for the study of inner city land parcels in certain types of deindustrializing cities of the Global North. But what if the rent gap was never really about economics, but instead about moral outrage? And what happens when moral and ethical questions about access to urban space are extended across multiple human generations? This article develops the concept of the moral rent gap: juxtapositions, tensions, and often irreconcilable contradictions in the present use of urban land in the context of intergenerational debts and responsibilities. Parcels of urban land are not clear, Cartesian locations, but are portals into multidimensional transformations of space and time produced through diverse, competing moral claims to the benefits of urban life.
AbstractThe growth of 'Yes In My Back Yard' (YIMBY) activism seems at first a simple story of a new social movement led by a new generation frustrated with the housing supply shortages created by decades of Not In My Back Yard (NIMBY) conservative spatial privilege and exclusion. Yet YIMBY/NIMBY dialectics reflect more fundamental transformations of intergenerational inequalities between past and present amidst today's multiple scales of intensifying competition in urban life. YIMBY movements, therefore, must be understood as part of the long history of gentrification and the current, accelerating co‐evolution of socio‐cultural change and the circulation of capital. YIMBY activism reflects a complex hybrid of a previous century's axioms of trickle‐down filtering theory and contemporary progressive moral‐ethical discourses of dynamic, diversifying lived experiences of intersectionality at the scales of individuals, families, communities, nations, and cultures. As intensified urban competition co‐evolves with diverse, recombinant axes of Western/non‐Western and colonial/decolonial relations of space and time, localized economic rent gaps become transnational, transhistorical moral rent gaps constituted through competing claims for inclusion into the inherent exclusivity of capitalizable property rights. YIMBY activism reveals the evolutionary frontiers of escalating competition legitimating itself on a gentrifying urban planet.
AbstractThe formal institutional entity we today call 'Geography' only exists because of nineteenth‐century struggles over the science, theology, and politics of human evolution. Old struggles continue even as today's geographic thought evolves at an accelerating pace, amidst the dramatic transformations wrought by CRISPR gene‐editing technoscience and the consolidation of computational‐cultural forms of accumulation in surveillance capitalism. This paper explores some of the contradictions of these old and new processes in the evolution of geography and the geography of evolution. New, unconventional perspectives are possible with a synthesis of David Harvey's theory of co‐evolutionary spheres of change in human and non‐human relations, Vine Deloria, Jr.'s analysis of Indigenous/Western settler‐colonial dialectics of space and time, and Pierre Teilhard de Chardin's portrayal of a noösphere of planetary consciousness. On the advancing frontiers of the Delorian noösphere, humanity confronts a proliferation of neo‐Lamarckian challenges and opportunities to create new geographies of planetary evolution.
As capitalist urbanisation evolves, so too does gentrification. Theories and experiences that have anchored the reference points of gentrification in the Global North for half a century are now rapidly evolving into more cosmopolitan, dynamic world urban systems of variegated gentrifications. These trends seem to promise a long-overdue postcolonial provincialisation of the entrenched Global North bias of urban theory. Yet there is a jarring paradox between the material realities of some of the largest non-military urban displacements in human history in the Global South, alongside a growing reluctance to 'impose' Northern languages, theories and politics of gentrification to understand these processes. In this paper, I negotiate this paradox through an engagement of several seemingly unrelated empirical trends and theoretical debates in urban studies and gentrification. My central argument is that interdependent yet partially autonomous developments in urban entrepreneurialism and transnational markets in labour, real estate and education are transcending the dichotomy between gentrification in cities (the traditional focus of so much place-based research) versus gentrification as a dimension of planetary urbanisation. Amidst the planetary technological transformations now celebrated as 'cognitive capitalism' and a communications-consciousness 'noösphere', these developments are coalescing into a global, cosmopolitan and multicultural tapestry of explicitly evolutionary class transformations of urban space that adapt to multiply scaled contingencies of urban history, socio-cultural difference, state power and terrains of resistance. The argument proceeds in three steps. First, I explain how social Darwinism was deeply embedded within conventional urban theory in the decades before Ruth Glass gave us a language for the discussion of gentrification, thus perpetuating debates over narrow empirical issues at the expense of deeper critical scrutiny of the evolutionary logics of socio-spatial classifications. Second, I examine the recent movement for a 'cosmopolitan decolonisation' of gentrification theory that has emerged at the precise moment when powerful alliances are consolidating the networked infrastructures of gentrification on an unprecedented scale. Third, I analyse the contemporary evolution of gentrification as a recombinant blend of old and new, as the means of class transformation of urban space are accelerated through intensified competition in work, education and housing. The built environments of planetary urbanisation provide ample opportunities not only for diverse cosmopolitan descendants of old-fashioned urban renewal in the style of Haussmann's Paris or Moses' New York, but also for new generations of 'capitalists with conscience'–entrepreneurial coalitions closing 'moral rent gaps' by integrating the economic profits of gentrification with the discourses and practices of environmental sustainability, socially responsible development and global fields of educational opportunity. All of these escalating competitions are legitimated as inclusive multicultural meritocracies. Yet the relentless optimism of competitive innovation in the cognitive-capitalist noösphere is creating dangerous new frontiers of human ecology that reproduce the social-Darwinist 'form of society' that Frederick Jackson Turner envisioned in his theorisation of the 'recurrence of the process of evolution' in America's colonial-settler waves of violent dispossession.
As capitalist urbanization evolves, so too does gentrification. Theories and experiences that have anchored the reference points of gentrification in the Global North for half a century are now rapidly evolving into more cosmopolitan, dynamic world urban systems of variegated gentrifications. These trends seem to promise a long-overdue postcolonial provincialization of the entrenched Global North bias of urban theory. Yet there is a jarring paradox between the material realities of some of the largest non-military urban displacements in human history in the Global South, alongside a growing reluctance to 'impose' Northern languages, theories, and politics of gentrification to understand these processes. In this paper, I negotiate this paradox through an engagement of several seemingly unrelated empirical trends and theoretical debates in urban studies and gentrification. My central argument is that interdependent yet partially autonomous developments in urban entrepreneurialism and transnational markets in labor, real estate, and education are transcending the dichotomy between gentrification in cities (the traditional focus of so much place-based research) versus gentrification as a dimension of planetary urbanization. Amidst the planetary technological transformations now celebrated as "cognitive capitalism" and a communications-consciousness "noösphere," these developments are coalescing into a global, cosmopolitan, and multicultural tapestry of explicitly evolutionary class transformations of urban space that adapt to multiply-scaled contingencies of urban history, socio-cultural difference, state power, and terrains of resistance. The argument proceeds in three steps. First, I explain how social Darwinism was deeply embedded within conventional urban theory in the decades before Ruth Glass gave us a language for the discussion of gentrification, thus perpetuating debates over narrow empirical issues at the expense of deeper critical scrutiny of the evolutionary logics of socio-spatial classifications. Second, I examine the recent movement for a "cosmopolitan decolonization" of gentrification theory that has emerged at the precise moment when powerful alliances are consolidating the networked infrastructures of gentrification on an unprecedented scale. Third, I analyze the contemporary evolution of gentrification as a recombinant blend of old and new, as the means of class transformation of urban space are accelerated through intensified competition in work, education, and housing. The built environments of planetary urbanization provide ample opportunities not only for diverse cosmopolitan descendants of old-fashioned urban renewal in the style of Haussmann's Paris or Moses' New York, but also for new generations of 'capitalists with conscience' -- entrepreneurial coalitions closing 'moral rent gaps' by integrating the economic profits of gentrification with the discourses and practices of environmental sustainability, socially responsible development, and global fields of educational opportunity. All of these escalating competitions are legitimated as inclusive multicultural meritocracies. Yet the relentless optimism of competitive innovation in the cognitive-capitalist noösphere is creating dangerous new frontiers of human ecology that reproduce the social-Darwinist "form of society" that Frederick Jackson Turner envisioned in his theorization of the "recurrence of the process of evolution" in America's colonial-settler waves of violent dispossession. ; Arts, Faculty of ; Geography, Department of ; Reviewed ; Faculty
