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This Special Issue brings together case studies on mitigation actions (MAs) by researchers in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Peru and South Africa. The case studies illustrate the rich diversity of MAs as they are conceptualized, designed and moved towards implementation in different circumstances. The wide range of MAs enables a comparative analysis, shedding light on what is common across different cases and what is specific to each country's experience. An empirically-grounded approach to MAs emerges in this way, and is complemented by an understanding of how the concept of nationally appropriate mitigation actions (NAMAs) emerged in the international negotiations (Coetzee & Winkler, 2013). The sheer diversity of NAMAs is a striking feature even from the relatively small set of case studies in this issue. Zevallos et al. (2014) hone in on the most advanced 'Pronami' in Peru, a case study of energy-efficient lighting. The contribution from UniAndes in Colombia considers electric vehicles (Cadena Monroy, Delgado, Espinosa, Peña, & Salazar, 2014). Other authors take a broader view, with Tyler, Boyd, Coetzee, and Winkler (2013) choosing four different MAs that might be developed in South Africa: bus rapid transit, sustainable settlements, an initiative on renewable energy and a carbon tax. Sanhueza and Ladron (2013) present a range of MAs in the transport, agriculture and energy sectors, and their development across different periods. Wills and his co-authors discuss how Brazil might meet its voluntary mitigation goals, with avoided deforestation making a major contribution in the near-term, but the longer-term challenges of lowemissions energy development being new to Brazil. The particular examples chosen by the authors in no way suggest that these are the only MAs undertaken in their respective countries; but merely that the selected MAs were found to have illustrative value.

The climate negotiations up to Copenhagen will need to elaborate on measurable, reportable and verifiable (MRV) mitigation commitments and actions as part of the future of the climate regime. The conceptual, political, scientific, financial and institutional principles for MRV are explored for (1) mitigation commitments in developed countries, (2) mitigation actions in developing countries, supported by (3) means of implementation. For developed countries, the procedures in Articles 5, 7, 8 and 18 of the Kyoto Protocol will be critical in order to ensure comparability of commitments, both in effort and compliance. Outcomes should be reportable and verifiable through Annex I national communications and in-depth review. Existing procedures could be enhanced and need to apply across Protocol and Convention. MRV mitigation actions by developing countries should result in measurable deviations below baseline. Inventories will be important to measure, and enhanced national communications for reporting. The challenge will be to make mitigation actions verifiable, and options include verification by domestic institutions working to internationally agreed guidelines. A critical distinction is to be made between unilateral mitigation actions and those with international support. MRV applies to the provision of the means of implementation, including technology and finance. Investment in technology can be measured, so that institutional arrangements for technology and finance should be aligned. Verification of funds raised at international level would be simpler than raising funds nationally.

The key objectives of the LTMS process are that: South African stakeholders understand and are focused on a range of ambitious but realistic scenarios of future climate action both for themselves and for the country, based on best available information, notably long-term emissions scenarios and their cost implications; the SA delegation is well-prepared with clear positions for post-2012 dialogue; and Cabinet can approve (a) a long-term climate policy and (b) positions for the dialogue under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Cabinet policy based on the scenarios will assist future work to build public awareness and support for government initiatives.

This paper summarises the results of a study that analysed ways of making South Africa's future energy development more sustainable. The South African economy is comparatively energy-intensive, with total primary energy supply of 11.7 MJ per US$ of GDP on a purchasing power parity basis, compared to 7.9 MJ/$ for Asia and 6.7 MJ/$ for Latin America. Moreover, the high dependence on coal makes the country also very carbon-intensive, with energy related CO2 emissions of 6.7 tonnes per capita, comparable to the OECD average of about 11 tCO2 /cap., and far higher than the non-OECD average of 1.7 tCO2/cap. Important policy initiatives are already under way to improve energy efficiency as well as the share of renewable energy. The impact of different energy policies, including alternative technologies for both supply and demand up to 2025, were analysed using the Markal model, a least-cost optimising tool. The reference case is close to the government's Integrated Energy Plan, with CO2 emissions increasing from 337 million tonnes (Mt) in 2001 to 591 Mt in 2025. A cost-effective renewable energy policy scenario would increase the renewable electricity generation from 2,000 GWh in 2001 to almost 18,000 GWh in 2025, with significant contribution from solar thermal and biomass cogeneration technologies. Energy efficiency can make a substantial contribution, especially in industry. The combination of measures would reduce total energy system costs by 16 billion rands ($ 2.2 billion) and CO2 emissions by 770 Mt, each over a 25-year period. The policies analysed here can therefore contribute both to sustainable development and to climate change mitigation.

Bibliography: pages 126-137. ; This study defends the thesis that the present social location of the Lutheran churches can be explained by examining the history of their internal divisions and their relation to broader struggles in society. The history of the Lutheran missions and churches is considered in relation to the political and socio-economic dimensions of South African history. Church history is conceived as an internal struggle between a dominant and an alternative theology (and their respective ecclesial bases), which affects the participation of the churches in broader social struggles. The development of the churches is divided into three periods, corresponding to the growing independence of the black churches from the mission societies. The thesis is examined by extensive reference to primary and secondary sources on the Lutheran church. Interviews with key informants from the various missions and churches provide additional information. The broader field of church historiography, as well as theoretical writings on church history are considered. The analytical aim of the thesis is to show how· the struggles internal to the Lutheran churches - including struggles around theological issues - have affected their ability to participate in the broader struggle for liberation in South Africa. In addition to this analytical aim, the thesis provides a narrative history of Lutheranism in South Africa. The findings of the thesis are that white Lutherans have been the dominant group in the Lutheran churches throughout their history in South Africa. White Lutherans produced the dominant theology of all the Lutheran churches for most of the history of Lutheranism in South Africa. This dominance of German-Lutheran theology was established in the missionary period. The social base of the missions was the German farming community. This community broadly formed part of the ruling classes of colonial society, and its interests converged at many points with colonialism. Lutherans were not allied to the dominant colonial power, the British, but from the end of the nineteenth century to the Boers. Their theological self-understanding as Lutherans, with their specific missiology, ecclesiology and doctrines (e.g. the Two Kingdoms Doctrine) gave them an identity distinct from others in the ruling bloc. This theology was the dominant theology of all Lutheran churches, black and white. This theological self-understanding, however, gave them only limited autonomy. They conformed to dominant values by dividing along racial lines. This dominant ecclesiology had its effect beyond the missionary period, and resulted in the separate development of black and white Lutheran churches. Although the black churches gained more independence through the formation of synods and later regional churches, they have internalized to some degree the dominant theology taught by the missionaries. The internal divisions within Lutheranism have continued to prevent effective engagement in external struggles for justice. Yet in the course of struggles for unity and a more effective political witness, an alternative Lutheran theology and ecclesiology has emerged, mainly among young black pastors and church members, but also among some white Lutherans. It is among these people that a Lutheran tradition of resistance to apartheid in church and society can be discovered. It is here that the hope of the church is found.