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This article discusses and analyzes efforts to treat the coronavirus (also known as Coronavirus Disease-19 (COVID-19)) by the governments of China, South Korea, Italy, and Indonesia. To understand the approaches each country takes is very important to get a clear picture of the efforts, steps, strategies, and policies that are formulated and implemented. To analyze COVID-19 cases in the four countries, the governance analysis framework (GAF) approach from Hamza (in Putra and Sanusi 2019) was used. This approach analyzes four aspects: scope map, stakeholder map, process map, and governance map. Articles utilizing a qualitative approach using descriptive analysis research methods. Data collection techniques used are library studies in the form of books, journal articles, online and conventional news, and the websites of authoritative institutions. Several important findings are general and specific, including, first of all, the four countries have the same orientation in handling and controlling the spread of the coronavirus. Secondly, various actors are actively involved in resolving a pandemic starting with the highest leadership of a country, medical staff and nurses, security agencies, researchers, and so on. Third, the four countries take their respective ways in solving the COVID-19 problem, but generally, they do a lockdown in addition to the health approach. Fourth, China and South Korea are considered successful examples in handling COVID19, otherwise not with Italy and Indonesia. The lack of success in Italy and Indonesia is caused by two factors, the lack of seriousness of the government and ignorance of citizens, resulting in slow handling of control and widespread of the deadly coronavirus.

The focus of this paper is on the discussion and analysis of corruption eradication attempts in Indonesia with the Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK), The Corruption Eradication Commission) as its centre. As an activity, the commencement of the corruption eradication dates to the pre-Reformation Era. However, its presence is mainly in the form of the foundation of the anti-corruption body without playing real roles as a nominal anti-corruption institution. As a response towards pressure from the IMF, in 2002 the Corruption Eradication Commission was formed as a specialized institution to tackle chronic corruption issues strangling Indonesia in the era of Soeharto's New Order. Unfortunately, since its inception, there has been no president who is committed to the eradication attempts and therefore sided with the KPK. It is due to the commission's huge constitutional power (investigation, probing, tapping, arrest, and prosecution) and hence these frighten many corrupt officials. Numerous political elites have been arrested by the KPK such as ministers, governors, regents, mayors and law-enforcers top officials. Consequently, unsurprisingly the KPK faces multi-directional attacks attempting at its weakening through the arrests of its top leaders, iterating its ad-hock (can be dissolved at any time.) status, and the revision of KPK law. Therefore, the government should act firmly to provide protection and supports to the KPK against those potential threats aiming at weakening the commission, to block any legislation potentially lessening the functions of the KPK, and to make sure both KPK's top leaderships and average personnel are impartial and free of vested interests.