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During the Progressive Era, a rehabilitative agenda took hold of American juvenile justice, materializing as a citizen-and-state-building project and mirroring the unequal racial politics of American democracy itself. Alongside this liberal ""manufactory of citizens," a parallel structure was enacted: a Jim Crow juvenile justice system that endured across the nation for most of the twentieth century. In The Black Child Savers, the first study of the rise and fall of Jim Crow juvenile justice, Geoff Ward examines the origins and organization of this sep.
In: Du bois review: social science research on race, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 245-255
ISSN: 1742-0598
In 1930, W. E. B. Du Bois warned of an approaching backlash of racialized crime control and the two-pronged threat this posed to Black civil society. These were not altogether new threats—American criminal law and crime control practices had always been mechanisms of racialized societal exclusion—but Du Bois anticipated unprecedented levels of Black criminalization and incarceration in the second half of the twentieth century, and some of the collateral damage that would ensue. Du Bois's (1930) warning focused on juvenile crime and justice, "a problem which one can easily see among the better colored people of New York and Philadelphia, of Indianapolis and Chicago, of Pittsburgh and Baltimore, and all of our major cities" (p. 352). Du Bois (1916) had long been concerned with issues of child development and youth justice, since the fate of the "immortal child" inevitably defined the prospects and conditions of the race (Diggs 1976).
In: Social justice: a journal of crime, conflict and world order, Band 30, Heft 2, S. 89-97
ISSN: 1043-1578, 0094-7571
In: Social justice: a journal of crime, conflict and world order, Band 30, Heft 2, S. 89-97
ISSN: 1043-1578, 0094-7571
The loss of civic capacity & participation has impacted not just the African American prisoner, but also his or her family & community. The work of the Africana Criminal Justice Project is described as it works to identify & correct racialized social & political exclusion intensified by US mass criminalization & incarceration. The criminal population is disproportionately represented by colored, poorly educated, & unemployed youth. The Africana Criminal Justice Project uses research & education to reframe academic & policy debates on racial & criminal justice issues, & it organizes efforts to address the crisis of racialized mass incarceration. Felon disfranchisement over varying periods is a common occurrence; in 1999, it affected approximately 13% of all black male adults. Additionally, the enumeration of prisoners as residents of prison towns in the US census affects the formation of legislative districts. This additionally marginalizes the prisoner's home district while inflating the influence of voters in the typically rural districts in which prisons are located. Civic leadership from former prisoners & from their communities can reduce the consequences of reduced civic capacity. 10 References. L. A. Hoffman
In: Social justice: a journal of crime, conflict and world order, Band 30, Heft 2
ISSN: 1043-1578, 0094-7571
Considers how mass criminalization and incarceration have affected African-American individuals and communities, particularly in terms of civic capacity and participation. Provides an overview of the "Africana Criminal Justice Project", a research, education, and organizing initiative aiming to help identify and eradicate dimensions of racialized social and political exclusion that are generated, reproduced, and intensified by past and present US criminal justice policy. Seeks to reframe academic and policy debates on issues of race and criminal justice, and help to mobilize initiatives to address the crisis of racialized mass incarceration. (Original abstract - amended)
In: New Perspectives in Crime, Deviance, and Law 2
In this authoritative volume, race and ethnicity are themselves considered as central organizing principles in why, how, where and by whom crimes are committed and enforced. The contributors argue that dimensions of race and ethnicity condition the very laws that make certain behaviors criminal, the perception of crime and those who are criminalized, the determination of who becomes a victim of crime under which circumstances, the responses to laws and crime that make some more likely to be defined as criminal, and the ways that individuals and communities are positioned and empowered to respond to crime.Contributors: Eric Baumer, Lydia Bean, Robert D. Crutchfield, Stacy De Coster, Kevin Drakulich, Jeffrey Fagan, John Hagan, Karen Heimer, Jan Holland, Diana Karafin, Lauren J. Krivo, Charis E. Kubrin, Gary LaFree, Toya Z. Like, Ramiro Martinez, Jr., Ross L. Matsueda, Jody Miller, Amie L. Nielsen, Robert O'Brien, Ruth D. Peterson, Alex R. Piquero, Doris Marie Provine, Nancy Rodriguez, Wenona Rymond-Richmond, Robert J. Sampson, Carla Shedd, Elizabeth Trejos-Castillo, Avelardo Valdez, Alexander T. Vazsonyi, María B. Vélez, Geoff K. Ward, Valerie West, Vernetta Young, Marjorie S. Zatz