Ethnic Regional Networks and Immigrants' Earnings: A Spatial Autoregressive Network Approach
In: The University of Auckland Business School Research Paper Series, Forthcoming
23 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: The University of Auckland Business School Research Paper Series, Forthcoming
SSRN
In: Pacific Journal of Technology Enhanced Learning, 2(1), 18. https://doi.org/10.24135/pjtel.v2i1.39
SSRN
In: IZA journal of migration: IZAJOM, Band 3, Heft 1
ISSN: 2193-9039
AbstractImmigrants experience substantial disadvantages in employment in the host country. "Ethnic capital" (e.g. the ethnic network) is argued to provide a niche for immigrants. Previous international studies adopt either ethnic concentration or language as proxy for immigrants' network in host country. In this paper we introduce a new "spatial autoregressive network approach" to construct a dynamic network variable from micro-data to capture the effects of social and resource networks for immigrants. This approach allows each individual's self-employment decision to be geographically and ethnically correlated with that of other individuals. We further show that there are three advantages of this approach: it captures a more accurate effect of networks; it provides a better estimation of the impact of other socio-economic variables on self-employment; and it provides a better data fit. The empirical findings of this study strongly suggest that ethnic capital plays a vital role in relation to immigrants' self-employment decisions.JEL classification codes:J23, J61, Z13
In: IZA journal of migration: IZAJOM, Band 3, S. 24
ISSN: 2193-9039
In: IZA Discussion Paper No. 14862
SSRN
In: Journal of Islamic thought and civilization, Band 11, Heft 2
ISSN: 2520-0313
Zia ul-Haq, President of Pakistan (1977-1988), introduced Islam into the public and political realms. Once he grabbed power in Pakistan after ousting the elected government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Islam became his strategic choice to provide legitimacy to his military coup and to expand his role in the Muslim world. Since the independence of Pakistan, the state had used Islam on many occasions to serve its interests. The encouraging results in this respect further induced the state to use Islam more frequently to achieve its domestic and foreign objectives. Zia institutionalized Islam in every aspect of the Pakistani state and society. Religious nationalization was the cornerstone of the Zia regime's internal and external policies. The Islamization of the regime in Pakistan during the 1980s was the zenith of the state's gradual turn towards religion. Regional upheavals such as the Shi'a Islamic revolution in Iran and Soviet invasion of neighboring Afghanistan were incremental to continue Islam as a strategic asset in Pakistan's domestic and foreign policy. As a result, Pakistan became the launching pad both for the Middle Eastern Sunni Arabs monarchies and Iran's Shi'a clergy to furnish their political cum sectarian agenda that ultimately ravaged the Pakistani polity and society.
Zia ul-Haq, President of Pakistan (1977-1988), introduced Islam into the public and political realms. Once he grabbed power in Pakistan after ousting the elected government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Islam became his strategic choice to provide legitimacy to his military coup and to expand his role in the Muslim world. Since the independence of Pakistan, the state had used Islam on many occasions to serve its interests. The encouraging results in this respect further induced the state to use Islam more frequently to achieve its domestic and foreign objectives. Zia institutionalized Islam in every aspect of the Pakistani state and society. Religious nationalization was the cornerstone of the Zia regime's internal and external policies. The Islamization of the regime in Pakistan during the 1980s was the zenith of the state's gradual turn towards religion. Regional upheavals such as the Shi'a Islamic revolution in Iran and Soviet invasion of neighboring Afghanistan were incremental to continue Islam as a strategic asset in Pakistan's domestic and foreign policy. As a result, Pakistan became the launching pad both for the Middle Eastern Sunni Arabs monarchies and Iran's Shi'a clergy to furnish their political cum sectarian agenda that ultimately ravaged the Pakistani polity and society. Keywords: Identity, Islam, Iran-Saudi rivalry, Middle East, Sectarianism, Afghan Refugee
BASE
In: Journal of consumer behaviour, Band 24, Heft 1, S. 126-138
ISSN: 1479-1838
ABSTRACTExisting studies on comparative price advertisements mainly address how the physical factors of price presentation (e.g., font size, physical distance, background color) influence consumers' numerical processing and affect their discount perception and purchase intentions. However, this research takes a visual processing perspective to examine the visual balance effect of comparative price presentation (horizontal vs. vertical) on product preference. We used a scenario‐based experimental design to imagine an online shopping scenario. Study 1 indicates that horizontal (vs. vertical) comparative prices lead to heightened product attitudes/purchase intentions. Study 2 verified that perceived stability mediates the visual balance effect. In addition, Study 3 shows that the visual balance effect is moderated by the fit of perceived stability with product characteristics. The conclusions contribute to the knowledge structure of comparative price presentation from a visual processing perspective and can guide more effective comparative price promotion.
Purpose: This paper aims to explore the current chaotic condition of the Middle East that was fueled by the traditional competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran. s state and society in every field of life. Principal Findings: The paper argues that the Saudi-Iran's sectarian proxy warfare in the Middle East is a means to counter each other's regional influence that has adverse implications for the internal security of Pakistan that can destroy its economy as well. Methodology: This research is based on a qualitative approach and deductive method. The paper answers four main queries: To what extent the Iran–Saudi Rivalry a result of sectarian aspirations? How are both countries using proxy warfare methods in the region to realize their interests vis a vis each other? What is the role of external powers like the United States or Russia in proxy warfare? How does the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia impact Pakistan? Applications: The study concludes that the outcome of the predicament in the Middle East has produced policy challenges for Pakistan vis-à- vis its relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran. The growing threats of sectarianism, violent extremism, domestic Polarization, and danger to the economic development of Pakistan make it an important player in this competition. Novelty: The traditional Conflict between Saudi and Iran affects the entire region of the Middle East. Sectarianism is one of the serious concerns of all Muslim countries today. It truly has both internal and external sources in other neighbouring Muslim states. Thus, this research provides an understanding to comprehend Pakistan's internal and as well as external problems.
BASE
In: The British Accounting Review, 53(4), 100987. DOI: 10.1016/j.bar.2021.100987
SSRN
Pakistan's territorial mutilation in the 1971 war with India was the utmost military, psychological and political disaster for Pakistan. Pakistan lost its Eastern wing and more than ninety thousand soldiers, civilians, civilians, and along with the territory, all the same to India. In the prevailing uncertainty, Pakistan vigorously asserted its Islamic Identity to foster its moral, economic, and political interests to revive from the loss. It looked towards the Middle East to revive its national identity and interests' fulfilment. During the Seventies, political changes within the Middle Eastern region were also favourable and useful for promoting Islamic ideology and shared identity. There was much scope to achieve ideological, strategic, economic, and foreign policy objectives that Pakistan missed in the past. The new Pakistani civilian government under Bhutto arranged shuttle diplomacy overtures the Middle Eastern Muslim countries to convince them to help Pakistan rebuild its identity and achieve its interests. Bhutto was one of the principal architects of the newly charged Muslim unity. He skilfully and effectively used the OIC platform to guard the country's identity and interests.
BASE
Pakistan's territorial mutilation in the 1971 war with India was the utmost military, psychological and political disaster for Pakistan. Pakistan lost its Eastern wing and more than ninety thousand soldiers, civilians, civilians, and along with the territory, all the same to India. In the prevailing uncertainty, Pakistan vigorously asserted its Islamic Identity to foster its moral, economic, and political interests to revive from the loss. It looked towards the Middle East to revive its national identity and interests' fulfilment. During the Seventies, political changes within the Middle Eastern region were also favourable and useful for promoting Islamic ideology and shared identity. There was much scope to achieve ideological, strategic, economic, and foreign policy objectives that Pakistan missed in the past. The new Pakistani civilian government under Bhutto arranged shuttle diplomacy overtures the Middle Eastern Muslim countries to convince them to help Pakistan rebuild its identity and achieve its interests. Bhutto was one of the principal architects of the newly charged Muslim unity. He skilfully and effectively used the OIC platform to guard the country's identity and interests.
BASE
In: Journal of global south studies, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 139-155
ISSN: 2476-1419
In: IZA Discussion Paper No. 9308
SSRN
In: Natural hazards and earth system sciences: NHESS, Band 20, Heft 10, S. 2843-2856
ISSN: 1684-9981
Abstract. Residual shear strength of soils is an important soil parameter for assessing the stability of landslides. To investigate the effect of the shear rate on the residual shear strength of loessic soils, a series of naturally drained ring shear tests were carried out on loess from three landslides at two shear rates (0.1 and 1 mm min−1). Experimental results showed that the shear displacement to achieve the residual stage for specimens with higher shear rate was greater than that of the lower rate; both the peak and residual friction coefficient became smaller with increase in shear rate for each sample; at two shear rates, the residual friction coefficients for all specimens under the lower normal stress were greater than those under the higher normal stress. Moreover, specimens with almost the same low fraction of clay (CF) showed a similar shear rate effect on the residual friction coefficient, with normal stress increasing, whereas specimens with high CF (24 %) showed a contrasting tendency, indicating that such an effect is closely associated with CF. The test results revealed that the difference in the residual friction angle ϕr at the two shear rates, ϕr(1)−ϕr(0.1) under each normal stress level are either positive or negative values, of which the maximum magnitude is about 0.8∘. However, the difference ϕr(1)−ϕr(0.1) determined under all normal stress levels was negative, which indicates that the residual shear parameters reduced with the increasing of the shear rate in the loess area. Such a negative shear rate effect on loess could be attributed to a greater ability of clay particles in specimens to restore broken bonds at low shear rates.