Suchergebnisse

As there is no academic consensus on the effectiveness of the cross-strait integration policy, the panel study approach was adopted to present an empirical analysis. A scale to measure willingness for cross-strait integration was created based on the theory of ethnic group assimilation. Four hypotheses were derived from the social contact, social identity, and rational choice theories. The results show that cross-strait integration policy is effective. The Taiwanese students' willingness for cross-strait integration had increased significantly after visiting Mainland China. Following their visit to the mainland, if the Taiwanese students had a better impression of China, lower perceived hostility, higher evaluation of the Chinese employment market, and weaker stand on Taiwanese independence, their willingness for cross-strait integration was considered to have increased. This study makes an academic contribution by presenting an accurate evaluation of the effects of the CPC's Taiwan policy.

Does visiting Mainland China alter Taiwanese students' evaluation of Taiwan's democracy? This question greatly concerns democratic supporters globally. Therefore, 477 Taiwanese young adults participating in Mainland China exchange programmes were recruited for this study. Social contact, social identity, political socialisation and rational choice theories were introduced to formulate four hypotheses. The results indicated that, among the three dimensions constituting the democracy evaluation following their exchange to Mainland China, the Taiwanese students showed increased positive evaluations in democratic support and degree of democratisation. Furthermore, positive evaluations for satisfaction with democracy decreased. The evaluation of Taiwan's democracy, formed by aggregating these three dimensions, indicates that this index decreased in 27.54% of students, increased in 29.24% and remained unchanged in 43.22%. After visiting Mainland China, students exhibit a tendency towards ethnically identifying as Taiwanese, or have a worse impression of China, or have greater political trust towards Taiwanese officials, or show a lower preference for the strongman rule, leading to a more favourable evaluation of Taiwan's democracy.

Does the experience of visiting Mainland China change the attitude of Taiwanese youth towards the unification–independence issue? What are the factors influencing such a change, if any? In this article, a panel study was conducted of 538 Taiwanese youths visiting Mainland China. Four hypotheses were proposed based on social contact theory and rational choice theory and then validated using a regression model. After visiting Mainland China, 17.57% and 15.89% of the Taiwanese students shifted to support for unification and independence respectively, whereas 66.54% indicated no changes in their stance. They increasingly favored unification with an improved impression of Mainland China, reduced hostility, increased willingness to integrate into China, and a decline in their evaluation of Taiwan's democracy. These findings corroborated the effects of true acquaintances, casual contacts, and the maximization of self-interest advocated by theories of social contact and rational choice.

AbstractIt is both academically and practically valuable to construct a multi-dimensional scale to assess the effectiveness of the Communist Party of China's (CPC) policy toward Taiwan. The author constructed a One China identity scale based on national identity theory and the CPC's political advocacy and actions toward Taiwan. Using panel data from 271 members of Taiwanese student delegations to Mainland China from 2016 to 2017, this study explored the changes in their sense of a One China identity. The results showed a significant increase (0.11, 5.19%) in the average ratings of the investigated students' One China identity. The regression equation constructed by the current study was able to explain 10.94% of the total variance of the One China identity scale, and all three hypotheses were supported. Following the exchange program, Taiwanese students appeared to have a greater sense of a One China identity. Their impression of Mainland China had improved, their acceptance of the CPC's regime had increased, and their preference for authoritarianism had increased.

This study investigates whether visiting the authoritarian nation of China reduces Taiwanese youths' identification with the democratic Taiwan. There is a significant reduction in the students' Taiwanese political identity following their visit, namely a reduction of 0.06 on a scale from 1 to 4.

As of 2005, the mainland Chinese government has implemented 'favor-granting policies', the purpose of which is to offer economic benefits in exchange for Taiwanese people's recognition of their political identity. In 2015, this strategy reached its 10th anniversary. Questions that arise are whether such recognition has increased significantly among Taiwanese people during this time, and what factors have influenced Taiwanese people's regime acceptance of mainland China. In order to address these questions, this study analyzed data from the 'Taiwan National Security Studies Surveys' on the basis of social identity, rational choice, social contact and political socialization theories. The findings indicate that the level of regime acceptance of Taiwanese people towards mainland China averaged 3.77 (standard deviation of 2.46) in 2005, and 3.95 (2.22) in 2015, reflecting an increase of 0.18. This study reveals five factors that influence Taiwanese people's regime acceptance of mainland China, namely ethnic identity, going to China for employment, experiences of going to China, sentiments on peace and war, and party identification. The regression model constructed in this study can explain 26.26% of the variance in Taiwanese people's regime acceptance level. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

Is the shift in regime identification from the Chinese government to the Taiwanese government a universal phenomenon among Chinese students in Taiwan? This article examines and finds evidence of Chinese students' political attitudes by conducting a two-wave survey based on the political socialisation approach. The results indicated that the regime identification of Chinese students on a scale of - 10 to 10 was, on average, 0.68 higher four months after their arrival in Taiwan than when they first arrived. The regression model developed in this study accounted for 34.37 per cent of the variance in the degree of shift in students' regime identification. Seven of the eight formulated hypotheses were also supported. (China/GIGA)

AbstractThe changing trust that Chinese students who study in Taiwan exhibit toward the Chinese government is a critical, but rarely explored topic, which is crucial for maintaining the sovereignty of Taiwan. I conducted a panel study and adopted a political socialization approach, proposing and verifying five hypotheses based on the theories of cognitive dissonance, assimilation, social contact, and social identity. The results indicate that compared with the average score for political trust that Chinese students exhibit at the time of arrival in Taiwan, the scores obtained four months later significantly declined by 0.09. Specifically, 50% of students exhibited a decreased level of political trust, whereas 33% exhibited an increased level of trust. The regression model developed in this study explains 23.6% of the variance in the changes in the political trust of Chinese students studying in Taiwan. In addition, five hypotheses were empirically supported.