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This article explores the reflexive processes among police during a transitional period following a large and traumatic protest event in Sweden, the 2001 European Union summit in Goteborg. The discussion revolves around transformations of the Swedish approach to protest policing and the subsequent attempt to revise "police knowledge" in relation to protest policing. Police constructions of external reality are analyzed with reference to two organizing concepts: provocation and dialogue. Particular attention is paid to attempts by the police to increase their awareness of "counterpart perspectives", and the concomitant use of stereotypes of protesters to maintain police officers' own reality constructions. Perceptions of negotiation with protesters are located in a tension between the poles: dialogue and control. Furthermore, it is argued that the policing philosophy of the Swedish police force has developed from a predominantly reactive approach into one most aptly described as "proactive management" of protest. Adapted from the source document.

Did the protests surrounding recent climate summits mark the emergence of a climate justice movement? We analyze responses to surveys of three large demonstrations in Copenhagen, Brussels, and London, organized in connection with the 2009 UN Climate Change Conference (COP-15) to determine who demonstrated, and how and why the collective action frames employed by demonstrators varied. The demonstrations were products of the mobilization of broad coalitions of groups, and we find significant variation in demonstrators' prognostic framings-the ways in which they formulated solutions to climate problems. Most notably, there was a tension between system-critical framings and those oriented around individual action. A large proportion of demonstrators expressed affinity with the global justice movement (GJM), but we find little evidence of an emerging 'climate justice' frame among rank-and-file protesters. Individual variations in framing reflect differences between the mobilization contexts of the three demonstrations, the perspectives and values of individual participants, and the extent of their identification with the GJM. Adapted from the source document.

Claims as to the emergence of a new phase of unionism – social movement unionism – returning to its original 'counter-cultural roots', are closely allied with the claims as to a 'new labour internationalism' that is a significant break from the influential postwar trend of nation-statist unionism. This article interrogates these two popular paradigms from the perspective of the Swedish labour movement. The analysis is based on qualitative interviews with union officials, as well as quantitative analysis of union homepage content and responses to surveys among May Day demonstrators. The general conclusion as regards social movement unionism in Sweden is that the major unions, although increasingly interested in cooperation with social movement organizations, are still far from changing the repertoire of action that has been predominant in the postwar period. International solidarity – among both union officials and grassroots activists – is strongly ambivalent, and attitudes to international support oscillate between charity and self-interest.

Since late 2018, a global wave of mobilization under the banners of Fridays For Future (FFF) and Extinction Rebellion (XR) has injected new energy into global climate politics. FFF and XR took the world by storm, but have now been forced into (partial) latency as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic. We believe this moment presents an opportunity for reflection. In particular, FFF and XR have been depicted as 'new' forms of climate activism. However, we argue that the extent to which these campaigns represent 'new' forms of climate activism is really a matter for closer investigation. In this Profile, we therefore reflect on the distinctiveness of the 'new climate activism' as compared to previous climate campaigns. Reviewing previous studies and our own research, we find that there are both elements of change and continuity in who participates and how, and that the main change appears to be the use of a more politically 'neutral' framing of climate change that is directed more strongly at state than non-state actors.

In this article, we argue that there is an element of rituality in all political demonstrations. This rituality can be either primarily oriented towards the past and designed to consolidate the configuration of political power -- hence official -- or oriented towards the future and focused on challenging existing power structures -- hence oppositional. We apply this conceptual framework in a comparison of May Day demonstrations in Belgium, Switzerland, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom in 2010. The demonstrations display significant differences in terms of officiality and oppositionality. Our study provides strong evidence that these differences cannot be explained solely -- if at all -- by stable elements of the national political opportunity structures. Instead, differences in degrees of oppositionality and officiality among May Day demonstrations should be primarily understood in terms of cultural traditions in combination with volatile factors such as the political orientation of the incumbent government and the level of grievances. Adapted from the source document.