Suchergebnisse

This paper uses Spanish Labor Force Survey data for the period 2005–2010 to analyze the job search methods adopted by unemployed natives and immigrants. We focus on the determinants of these job search methods and examine the interaction between the methods selected and native and immigrant exit rates from unemployment in a period that covers the transition from economic growth to crisis. Our findings suggest that, irrespective of the job search methods adopted, the hazards of leaving unemployment are greater for natives than they are for immigrants. The gap emerges in the second half of 2006, 1 year before the onset of the international crisis. Prior to this date, no differences were observed in their respective exit rates from unemployment. Finally, we find a mixed correlation between the job search methods and the probability of finding a job.

This paper investigates the consequences of the legalization of around 600,000 immigrants by the unexpectedly elected Spanish government of Zapatero following the terrorist attacks of March 2004 (Garcia-Montalvo, 2011). Using detailed data from payroll-tax revenues, we estimate that each newly legalized immigrant increased local payroll-tax revenues by 4,189 euros on average. This estimate is only 55 percent of what we would have expected from the size of the influx of newly documented immigrants, which suggests that newly legalized immigrants probably earned lower wages than other workers and maybe affected the labor-market outcomes of those other workers. We estimate that the policy change deteriorated the labor-market outcomes of some low-skilled natives and immigrants and improved the outcomes of high-skilled natives and immigrants. This led some low-skilled immigrants to move away from high-immigrant locations. Correcting for internal migration and selection, we obtain that each newly legalized immigrant increased payroll-tax revenues by 4,801 euros, or 15 percent more than the estimates from local raw payroll-tax revenue data. This shows the importance of looking both at public revenue data and the labor market to understand the consequences of amnesty programs fully.

This paper investigates the consequences of the legalization of around 600,000 immigrants by the unexpectedly elected Spanish government of Zapatero following the terrorist attacks of March 2004 (Garcia-Montalvo (2011)). Using detailed data from payroll-tax revenues, we estimate that each newly legalized immigrant increased social-security revenues by 3,504 Euros on average. This estimate is only 49 percent of what we would have expected from the size of the newly documented immigrants, which suggests that newly legalized immigrants probably earned lower wages than, and maybe affected the labor-market outcomes of, other workers. We estimate that the policy change deteriorated the labor-market outcomes of some low-skilled natives and immigrants and improved the outcomes of high-skilled natives and immigrants. This led some low-skilled immigrants to move away from high-immigrant locations. Correcting for migration and selection, we obtain that each newly legalized immigrant increased payroll-tax revenues by 4,398 Euros or 26 percent more than the raw payroll-tax revenue data estimates. This shows the importance of looking both at public revenue data and the labor market to understand the consequences of amnesty programs fully.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the relationship between immigration and redistributive public spending by using the recent, massive arrival of immigrants in Spain. Specifically, we focus our analysis on the effect of 1998-2006 changes in local immigrant density on contemporaneous changes in municipal spending in social services. To address the potential endogenous location of immigrants, we adopt an instrumental variables approach that uses the distribution of rental housing in 1991 to predict the location of immigrant inflows. The results indicate that (per capita) social spending increased less in those municipalities that recorded the largest increases in immigrant density. We interpret our results as a reduction in natives' demand for redistributive public spending.

The aim of this paper is to examine the relationship between ethnic heterogeneity and redistribution, by using the recent and massive arrival of immigrants in Spain. Specifically, we focus on the effect of changes in immigrant density, recorded between 1998 and 2006, on contemporaneous changes in municipal welfare spending. We instrument for immigrant density using established settlement patterns per country of origin so as to assign predicted flows of immigrants to municipalities. We find that welfare spending increased less in those municipalities that recorded the largest increases in immigrant density. We also provide evidence of a positive relationship between immigrant density and the vote share accruing to right-wing parties. Hence, our results are consistent with theories that predict a negative relationship between ethnic heterogeneity and redistribution.

[spa] En este trabajo se analiza la relación entre la heterogeneidad étnica y la redistribución, utilizando la reciente y masiva llegada de inmigrantes a España. En concreto, se estudia el efecto de los cambios en la densidad de inmigrantes, observada entre 1998 y 2006, sobre los cambios en el gasto social municipal. La densidad de inmigrantes se instrumenta utilizando los patrones de establecimiento por país de origen para asignar los flujos predichos de inmigrantes a cada municipio. Los resultados evidencian que el gasto social incrementó menos en los municipios con mayores incrementos en la densidad de inmigrantes. También se proporciona evidencia de la existencia de una relación positiva entre la densidad de inmigrantes y el porcentaje de voto obtenidos por los partidos de derecha. Por tanto, estos resultados son consistentes con las teorías que predicen una relación negativa entre la heterogeneidad étnica y la redistribución. ; [eng] The aim of this paper is to examine the relationship between ethnic heterogeneity and redistribution, by using the recent and massive arrival of immigrants in Spain. Specifically, we focus on the effect of changes in immigrant density, recorded between 1998 and 2006, on contemporaneous changes in municipal welfare spending. We instrument for immigrant density using established settlement patterns per country of origin so as to assign predicted flows of immigrants to municipalities. We find that welfare spending increased less in those municipalities that recorded the largest increases in immigrant density. We also provide evidence of a positive relationship between immigrant density and the vote share accruing to right-wing parties. Hence, our results are consistent with theories that predict a negative relationship between ethnic heterogeneity and redistribution.

This paper quantifies the impact of public employment on local labor markets in the long-run. We adopt two quantitative approaches and apply them to the case of Spanish cities. In the first, we develop a 3-sector (public, tradable and non-tradable) search and matching model embedded within a spatial equilibrium model. We characterize the steady state of the model, which we calibrate to match the labor market characteristics of the average Spanish city. The model is then used to simulate the local labor market effects of expanding public sector employment. In the second empirical approach, we use regression analysis to estimate the effects of public sector job expansions on decadal changes (1980-1990 and 1990-2001) in the employment and population of Spanish cities. This analysis exploits the dramatic expansion of public employment that followed the advent of democracy in the period 1980 to 2001. The instrumental variables' approach that we adopt uses the capital status of cities to instrument for changes in public sector employment. The two empirical approaches indicate that public sector jobs crowd-in private employment. This job increase concentrates in the non-tradable sector as the higher local wage bill increases local demand for the non-tradable good. However, these new jobs do not translate into a substantial reduction in the local unemployment rate as better labor market conditions increase the city's labor force due to migration.

This paper quantifies the impact of public employment on local labor markets in the long-run. We adopt two quantitative approaches and apply them to the case of Spanish cities. In the first, we develop a 3-sector (public, tradable and non-tradable) search and matching model embedded within a spatial equilibrium model. We characterize the steady state of the model, which we calibrate to match the labor market characteristics of the average Spanish city. The model is then used to simulate the local labor market effects of expanding public sector employment. In the second empirical approach, we use regression analysis to estimate the effects of public sector job expansions on decadal changes (1980-1990 and 1990-2001) in the employment and population of Spanish cities. This analysis exploits the dramatic expansion of public employment that followed the advent of democracy in the period 1980 to 2001. The instrumental variables' approach that we adopt uses the capital status of cities to instrument for changes in public sector employment. The two empirical approaches yield qualitatively similar results and, thus, cross-check each other. One additional public sector job creates about 1.3 jobs in the private sector. However, these new jobs do not translate into a substantial reduction in the local unemployment rate as better labor market conditions attract new workers to the city. Increasing public employment by 50% only reduces unemployment from 0.156 to 0.150.