Suchergebnisse

Cold War dynamics compelled Turkey and the nationalist Arab countries, particularly Egypt and Syria, to join two opposing camps. Conflicting geopolitical interests between Turkey and the nationalist Arab countries led to a rivalry for regional hegemony and an alignment pattern inimical to the security of the other countries. Turkey's membership in NATO in 1952 and the establishment of the Baghdad Pact in 1955 caused concern for the Egyptian president Gamal abd-al Nasser, who perceived those pacts as tools of Western imperialism. On the other hand, for Turkey these pacts were guarantors of Turkish security against an expansionist Soviet Union. Diverging threat perceptions between Turkey and the radical Arab states resulted in a tense atmosphere in the Middle East sub-system. Adapted from the source document.

The emergence of Turkish nationalism: from Ottomanism to Turkism -- Two great minds: Yusuf Akçura and ziya Gökalp -- Kemalist nationalism: "happy is the person who says i am a Turk" -- Ethnic nationalism under the shadow of the Gray Wolf: racism and pan-Turkism -- Conservative nationalism: the Turkish-Islamic synthesis or the Turkish-Islamic ideal? -- Conclusion: the end of nationalism?

Most analysts agree that Turkey's foreign policy is essentially peaceful, using diplomacy and multilateralism in the resolution of its conflicts with other states. Here, Umut Uzer offers a necessary corrective to this standard analysis by revealing the Kemalist influence in Turkey's state ideology. This defined the identity of the state as Turkish, resulting in responsibilities towards Turks residing beyond its borders, and a more engaged foreign policy that ranged from declarations of support for ethnic kin outside Turkey to outright takeover of territory. Focusing on the annexation of Hatay

Abstract
This article offers a comparative analysis of Tel Aviv and Izmir based on their urban identities grounded on a secular modernist ideological outlook and a Mediterranean way of life based on egalitarian and democratic norms. These criteria will be operationalized by analyzing the ideological preferences as well possibilities for alternative lifestyles for the residents of both cities. Due to the policies of right-wing governments in both countries, there has been an increasingly overbearing impact of religion in the daily lives of the people and have been undergoing a redefinition of their national identities at the expense of the secular aspects of their national attributes. While a significant number of citizens in both countries have been leaning towards an ethnoreligious worldview, Tel Aviv in Israel and Izmir in Turkey resist such attempts and remain bastions of secularism with their Mediterranean way of life. This study purports to present the similarities and differences between the two cities within their larger conservative setting.

Ideational change in the self-characterization of a state is bound to have repercussions on its domestic and foreign policy behavior. Consequently, the gradual but radical change that has been ongoing in Turkey in the past two decades has had a wide-ranging impact on the way Turkish foreign policy has been conducted. Whereas survival and protection of territorial integrity as well as a Western orientation were traditionally the main concerns of Turkish policy-makers, under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) (since 2002), there has been a partial Islamization of Turkish foreign policy especially with regard to liaisons with Israel and Palestine. This shift can be explained by the replacement of the Western Turkish state identity with an Islamic conservative outlook.