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Islamism as one of transnational political Islam ideologies continues to spread throughout the world. Many researchers read the phenomenon of strengthening Islamism solely as part of the Islamic social movements. This article looks at it further as a threat to the social cohesiveness of contemporary society. It intends to describe the Islamism from (1) its genealogy to ideological ideas about the unification of dîn (religion) and dawlah (state) and (2) measuring how relevant that idea is realized in a global and national context and (3) proposing a counter-ideology as a solution. Genealogically, Islamism ideology shows the tendency of revivalism and even fundamentalism, which tries to set Islam as a single system in society life. For contemporary Indonesia concept, the ideology is not only realistic, but is also potentially destructive to the unity, the country-nation awareness, the democracy, and Islam's mission as raḥmat li al-'âlamîn. Its deployment can be forestalled by revitalizing an alternative strategic discourse containing Islamic values into every dimension of life in this country. Based on the documentary review, its research findings are expected to enrich the discourse as well as an early warning system for national solidity and religious solidarity, especially in Indonesia.

Inter-religious conflict has been part of the history of religions. To the dismay of many, the conflict has escalated from time to time overshadowing the benevolent nature of religions as a blessing for mankind. Hence, instead of addressing the formidable problems of poverty, backwardness, ignorance, injustice, oppression and the like, people of different religions in one way or another are dragged into the acts of violence. It is this unfortunate development in the history of religions that we are interested in discussing by appealing to the ideas of Farid Esack who has established himself as an international scholar of Islam. We portray Esack as a man whose attention is being paid solely to promote the inter-religious dialogue with a single purpose in mind, to push peace and harmony for all regardless of their race and religion. We are particularly interested in developing further the idea of what he calls a ?productive dialogue? in which an awareness of religious solidarity constitutes an integral part. We will try to expose the ?hermeneutics of awareness? to get a better idea of what Esack is trying to do as far as social harmony is concerned. Within this scheme we will also discuss some other related issues such as the problem of pluralism and liberation. We argue that Esack sees the problem of social harmony as essentially theological and not simply political. It is therefore the task of religion?and not simply of politic?to deal with such problem.

Extremist discourse is found within the Shi?ite community just as it is also found within the Sunnite group. Within the former, the existence of the sectarian groups ?it may be argued- serves as the raison d??tre of extremism. These groups emerged first and foremost as a result of the diverging and somewhat conflicting views on the notion of Im?mah; a notion that always forms part and parcel of the Shi?i tenet. This is in addition to the fact that they emerge as a logical result of the doctrinal disparity that members of these group hold on various issues. It is out of these differences however, that the modulation of Shi?ism into the moderates and the extremists -that is the right and the misled Shi?ism as it were- comes into being. What this implies is that that kind of modulation is not simply about the classification and social identification of Shi?ism. It is also about the categorical stigmatization of members of the group toward each other. Hence, the competing truth-claim among them ends up in a seemingly endless political conflict. In this, those who are judged misled such as the Shi?ah Sab?iyah, are often called the ?ghulat?. Nonetheless, some scholars argue that the identification of this group as ?ghulat? is not due to its misleading tenet, but because of its doctrinal extremism. The more extreme a group becomes, the more misled it is. To me however, this later view is problematic simply because there is no a standardized measure of who is misled and who is not. Vis-?-vis this problem, this paper is destined to investigate the epistemological significance of the word ?misleading? that the Shi?ah Sab?iyah is associated with, and is also interested to find out to what extent this group may be rightly called extremist. All this will be done through the serious study on the central tenet of Shi?ism, namely im?mah.

This study attempts to reveal the trend of Islamism and the institutional responses to it in Indonesian higher education, especially in the Perguruan Tinggi Keagamaan Islam Negeri or State Islamic Universities (PTKIN). Three PTKINs, which were UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya, UIN Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang, and IAIN Jember, were purposively selected as the research locus. Meanwhile, a case study approach was used to describe Islamism's trend at these state universities from the 2000s to 2017. It was discovered that the Islamists attempted to infiltrate the campus life through two strategies, which were called persuasive and normative-reeducative. Subsequently, this phenomenon urged the three PTKINs to decide their institutional responses, which have been mainly aimed at deradicalizing campus life and delegitimizing Islamism's ideology among academics. The institutional responses seem to be pivotal for all PTKINs, especially the three selected schools, because the campus is home to the scientific realm and not a political one. Also, Islamism is a factual threat, both to the integrity of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) and the ideals of the religion as a blessing for the universe.