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In developing countries, perceptions of crime and actual crime victimization have been linked to less public support for democratic regimes. In countries with weak democratic institutions and limited horizontal accountability, populist presidents can exploit this situation by promoting vertical accountability. This vulnerability of democratic institutions arises because some citizens perceive strong-arm rule as a solution to the perceived increase in social violence. This study focuses on the Philippines, where president Rodrigo Duterte was elected in 2016 on a "law and order" platform centered on an extralegal war on drugs. Analyzing data from two waves of the World Values Survey, I find that perceptions of crime significantly influenced Filipino respondents' support for authoritarian rule and reduced support for democracy based on civil liberties; the effect became more pronounced under the Duterte administration. Notably, actual crime victimization was not statistically correlated with preference for authoritarianism.

AbstractDespite the increase in the share of women in national legislatures in the developing world, scholars are still debating if gender‐diversified legislatures promote women‐friendly policies or negate women's empowerment attributed to intersectional demands, the absence of a critical mass, and continued gendered patriarchy. Previous studies also lack generalizability as they are based on single‐country studies or cross‐national research with samples restricted by region or constrained to affluent nation‐states. To resolve the conundrum pertaining to understanding the nature of substantive representation in the non‐Western world, a panel study of 64 developing countries from 2005–2019 is employed. The study finds evidence that increased legislative representation by women is positively associated with the implementation of policies that promote higher levels of gender equality, social inclusion, and human development. The results imply that women's legislative presence in the global south has significant contributions in terms of affecting policy outcomes that improve the human condition.Related ArticlesGreen, David R. 2003. "The Effects of Member Gender and Constituency Characteristics on Southern Congressional Voting Behavior, 1972‐2000."Politics & Policy31(1): 80–104.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.1998.tb00471.x.Sahfie, David M. 2008. "Women and Representation at Major Party Conventions, 1972‐1992."Politics & Policy26(1): 45–77.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2003.tb00888.x.Whistler, Donald E., and Mark C. Ellickson. 2010. "A Rational Choice Approach to Explaining Policy Preferences and Concern for Representing Women among State Legislators."Politics & Policy38(1): 25–51.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00227.x.

AbstractExtant research in comparative politics has examined the role of institutional frameworks such as constitutional design, the nature of the electoral systems, parliamentarism and federalism on the quality of governance. Understanding variations on effective democratic governance has assumed a state-centric approach that has largely neglected how strong legislatures can drastically affect political outcomes. This study finds empirical evidence that the strength of national legislatures (in terms of its influence over the executive, institutional autonomy, its specified powers and institutional capacity) is correlated to effective democratic governance as measured by voice and accountability, governmental effectiveness, regulatory quality, control of corruption and rule of law entrenchment based on a cross-national analysis of 150 countries with available data from the period 1996–2016. The results hold even when the sample is restricted to developing countries, where party systems are more likely to be under-institutionalized. A sensitivity analysis also confirms that the relationship between strong legislatures and effective democratic governance is not attenuated or conditioned by its interactive effect with other institutional arrangements. Implications suggest that the substantive strength of national legislatures promotes higher levels of democratic accountability, and that the international community must focus on frameworks that strengthen global legislatures to avert political instability and creeping authoritarianism.

Critics of Philippine democracy have pointed out that the unitary system employed since the country became a sovereign state in 1946 led to the prolonged underdevelopment of sub-national regions (provinces). Hence, policy makers have put forward the argument that a shift to a Federal system is necessary because of the imperial Manila syndrome. This is the notion that political, economic, and social underdevelopment is more prevalent the farther away a province is from the capital, Metro-Manila, which has been a longstanding theory of 'core-periphery' dynamics in political geography. Using sub-national data derived from Philippine provinces, the study finds that provinces farther away from Manila in terms of geodesic distance are indeed disadvantaged not only in terms of economic, poverty, and human development indicators, but also in terms of dependence on internal revenue allotments which inhibits local growth. Physical distance from the capital also decreases rural funds for provincial development. The implications suggest that a Federal arrangement can promote peripheral growth and development, but it certainly is not a panacea.

Migrant remittances have been linked to improving the quality of government and political accountability in the developing world. The argument is that migrants have the capacity to withhold remittances to their families when they deem that their local governments are blighted with corruption and bureaucratic inefficiency. Relatedly, migrants also empower citizens in sub-national regions by providing funds to family members who become less beholden to clientistic ties with political parties which concomitantly foster state-level corruption. Thus, relatives of migrants also become social agents who will increasingly expect better governmental performance and demand higher levels of political accountability at the sub-national level. Using data provided by the Philippine National Statistics Office and the National Statistical Coordinating Board of the Philippines (NSCB hereafter), the study provides empirical evidence that the number of migrants (by province) and the amount of remittances sent by migrants are positively associated with governmental effectiveness and higher levels of human development at the provincial level. It is also found that opportunistic shirking on the part of the sub-national governments is also not occurring, as remittances also induce provincial governments to spend more on their citizens, which will likely lead to better public goods provision. The overall findings imply that just like their counterparts from other developing countries, Filipino migrants are agents of democratic accountability.

Scholarship in comparative democratization finds that dialogue between the opposition and the old regime before the advent of democratic elections has consistently produced stable democracies least susceptible to reversals. This is because such "pacted" transitions promote values such as conciliation, compromise building, and consensus seeking. Yet the debate concerning how historical pact making affects the quality of democracy remains mainly anecdotal. Using a dataset of transitional states, I find that not all variants of pacted transitions facilitate consolidation. Pacted transitions initiated by the ancien régime are susceptible to democratic reversal, while transitions where the balance of power between the ancien régime and civic forces is equal in initiating regime change are associated with better democratic outcomes least susceptible to democratic collapse. The article also shows that regime transitions are very much influenced by other historical path‐dependent factors—specifically the role of civic associations and coalitions during the transitional process.Related Articles

Sarquís, David. 2012. "." Politics & Policy 40 (): 871–903. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00381.x/full


Beal, Amanda, and
Leah Graham. 2014. "." Politics & Policy 41 (): 311–345. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12077/full


Luckhurst, Jonathan. 2012. "." Politics & Policy 40 (): 958–977. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00386.x/full
Related Media
. 2013. "Reconsidering Democratic Transitions 2 Francis Fukuyama, Donald Horowitz, Larry Diamond." https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cDUwmxcx_UI

. 2015. "Transitions from above Pacted Transitions." https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e-GPhuDWb3w


Coleman, Isobel. 2014. "Democracy Can Still Deliver." Council on Foreign Relations. http://blogs.cfr.org/coleman/category/democratization/

Recently, economic accountability theory as a means by which to hold political leaders accountable in the industrialized world has been generalized in transitional democracies. The theory advances how mass publics in young democracies evaluate and assess the performance of chief executives based on sociotropic or pocketbook economic evaluations and the occurrence of pivotal political events. The study finds that self-placement on poverty among Filipinos and primordial assessments of hunger are predictors of presidential approval. Pivotal political events involving attempted coups, corrupt practices and executive level malfeasance are not likely to affect presidential approval ratings over time. Furthermore, changes in the national economy have no association with Philippine presidential approval ratings from 1986–2009. The results of the study suggest that political and economic theories of accountability as applied to the developing world should be reassessed by taking into account the non-institutionalization of party systems, strong executive structures, and the politics of personalism, patronage and patrimonialism.

The effect of state regulation of religion on governance has been explored theoretically by scholars, but it has not been tested empirically across nation states. The theory posits that secular states are more likely to benefit from better governance because of the absence of clerical involvement in politics, paving the way for the expansion of civil society and the passage of progressive political, economic, and social reforms. Using a unique dataset of more than 100 nation states, I find that countries with higher levels of state intervention on religion are more likely to suffer from inferior governance as reflected by higher levels of corruption and political instability and lower levels of rule of law entrenchment, bureaucratic effectiveness, and regulatory quality. Furthermore, states wherein there is no distinct separation between church and state are more likely to have lower levels of political openness and accountability.Related ArticlesBeal,Amanda L., andLeahGraham.2014. "."Politics & Policy42():311‐345.http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12077/abstractFlavin,Patrick,Alexander C.Pacek, andBenjaminRadcliff.2011. "."Politics & Policy39():251‐269.http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00290.x/abstractWagle,Udaya R.2013. "."Politics & Policy41():947‐984.http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12053/abstractRelated Media.http://www.qog.pol.gu.se/.http://www.thearda.com/. .http://www.baylor.edu/church_state/index.php?id=2566