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This dissertation looks at the linked issues of justification and public reason – under what conditions do political authorities count as legitimate, and what is the appropriate mode of reasoning together in the public sphere? The main contender in the field currently is Rawls's political liberalism. His conception of justification gives a key role to the justifiability of political power to each citizen, based on shared (because mutually acceptable) reasons. This approach to justification affects how we reason in the public sphere – in discussing certain fundamental issues, Rawlsian public reason requires limiting our reasons to public ones (viz., those which others could reasonably endorse), and bracketing those based on disputed conceptions of the good. How we think about justification thus has concrete implications for how we live together in political society. Rawls's political liberalism is commonly pitted against comprehensive liberalism. The disagreement tends to be cast as being about comprehensive liberals rejecting the need for justifiability. I argue that this is mistaken, and that Rawls shares more than we might think with the comprehensive liberal. Taking Raz as the modern champion of comprehensive liberalism, I show that both Rawls and Raz are deeply committed to justifiability, and trace the disagreement between the two to a metaphysical dispute about how to conceive of the project of justifying the implementation of political principles. In light of their shared commitment to justifiability, the question becomes whether justifiability requires shared reasons. I propose a heuristic reading of Rawls's requirement of mutually acceptable reasons, which explains how Rawls's and Raz's views on justification can be brought together without needing to bracket the truth of the principles of justice. This proposed reconciliation leads to a mode of reasoning in the public sphere that does not require setting aside non-public reasons in order to proceed.

Despite a century of research into residential settlement patterns, not enough is understood about the patterns of immigrant settlement. This topical issue requires radical thinking, particularly as it is currently dealt with by a range of disciplines, each of which tends to rely on its own research paradigms. There is an underlying problem surrounding research into the relationship between society and space. Whilst the social sciences tend to lack an understanding of the independent contribution of the built environment to the way in which communities change over time, the spatial sciences lack an understanding of the political and cultural dynamics underpinning statistical measures of segregation. There is a need for an interdisciplinary approach to take account of both the quantitative and qualitative aspects of cities and migration. The aim of the UCL Cities and Migration working group is to challenge the orthodox view of the relation between social structures and the urban environment over time and to cross traditional research boundaries with a combination of architectural, geographical, sociological, anthropological and historical approaches to the topic of segregation. This report summarises the discussions which took place in May 2010 at the invitation of the UCL Grand Challenge: Sustainable Cities. A gathering of thirty academics and other interested parties came together to hear presentations by UCL scholars from The Bartlett (Sonia Arbaci), Geography (Pablo Mateos), Geomatic Engineering (Muki Haklay) and Public Health (Ilaria Geddes). These were followed by responses from three invited experts: Professor Pnina Werbner (Social Anthropology, Keele), Professor Ceri Peach (Social Geography, Oxford) and Professor Ludi Simpson (Population Studies, Manchester). The following report is the distillation by the UCL academics of the workshop discussions the event's Chair, Laura Vaughan, and does not necessarily replicate the views of the participants.

Experimental aerial and ground censuses of waterbirds were conducted on three small, isolated bodies
of water on the New England tablelands of New South Wales. The flying height at which sightability was
optimized for the most common species was 30 m. Aerial and ground counts were significantly
correlated for most species on the three watar bodies. Black swan, swamphen, coots, musk ducks and
maned ducks were counted in equivalent or greater numbers from the air than from the ground on at
least one water body. Other species were counted in lower numbers from the air than from the ground. A
fairly high precision in the aerial-ground relationship for the most abundant species indicates that aerial
survey can be a useful procedure for obtaining indices or estimates of the population sizes of these
species. However, differences in sightability between species and between types of water body indicate
that indices should be used and interpreted with caution. Other bird species from a variety of habitat
types which are also amenable to aerial survey are discussed, and some recommendations for aerial
surveys of birds are provided.

Information on body weight, measurements and breeding is recorded for 96 female and 42 male Isoodon
macrourus, trapped in the vicinity of Brisbane. Data are also given on sex ratio, nipple attachment site
and mortality for 128 pouch young from 44 litters. I. macrourus is the heaviest peramelid, with a mean
body weight of 1046 ( � 263)g for females and 1496 ( � 359)g for males. Seasonal effects on body weight
are evident in females but absent in males. Females with pouch young were significantly heavier than
those without young for most months of the year. Unlike most other peramelids, I. macrourus has no
defined breeding season in south-eastern Queensland. Females produce litters in all months of the year,
with a peak in August and a low in June. Litter size averaged 2.9, which is the lowest recorded for the
species. Female body weight had a positive linear relationship with litter size (y= 0.001297x + 1.444).
Sex ratio of adults was 1:1, but that of pouch young favoured males 1:0.8. Of the eight pouch teats
available, young favoured the four anterior nipples (72 v.56) and males outnumbered females on the
left-side nipples. Survival rate of pouch young, as indicated by litter size from 0 to 50 days, showed no
variation but there appears to be a high mortality for young after they leave the pouch and before they
reach a body weight of 500 g.

Letter to Andrew Inglis Clark, Tasmania from L.S. Rowe, Philadelphia, U.S.A., 20 Nov 1905. As President of the American Academy of Political and Social Science he asked Clark to reconsider his withdrawal of membership as he wanted the Academy represented in Tasmania. He also inquired whether there was any extension of municipal ownership of gas and other services in Tasmania. C4/C256.

How does support differ from reporting and dissemination? How, and to what extent do existing evaluation theories attend to support? How, and for what purposes should support be provided? Does support infer that evaluators have ethical, moral, professional, contractual or other obligations to provide support? Is support an evaluation service, or should it be considered an evaluator competency or skill? Or, as with the traditional research paradigm, should evaluators merely let their reports speak for them? While the Key Evaluation Checklist (KEC) and other evaluation theories and approaches have provided a conceptual basis for evaluation support, further clarification is necessary in order to make support an integral part of evaluation practice. The evaluation support construct as posited here necessitates means that are direct and indirect, technical and general, and includes alternative scenarios for the purposes of advocating for, assisting and helping evaluands, clients, stakeholders, and audiences and users of evaluation.

The scarcity of hard currency and deep cuts in foreign assistance have brought Haiti to a point of complete economic stagnation. Hurricane David and poor crops have curtailed exports drastically. What mother nature has left undone the president has completed, diverting internal revenues from the treasury, which are converted into available dollars and transferred to private bank accounts abroad. At a popular estimate the Duvalier family is worth more than $500 million, cash.Firm evidence of treasury looting was first provided by World Bank Report No. 1243HA of September 25, 1976, revealing that $45.5 million in government revenues for fiscal 1975 were unbudgeted and could not be accounted for. In 1977, according to a report prepared by the U.S. embassy staff in PortauPririce and published by the U.S. Department of Commerce in Foreign Economic Trends (No. 77-148), the "unbudgeted receipts amounted to 60 million in FY/77 and [were] projected at 69 million in FY/78." Now Jack Anderson provides an update. "Baby Doc," he says in his column of March 29, "has been stealing millions of dollars in loans provided by the International Monetary Fund." And what is more, Michele, the president's bride of a year, has been drawing a monthly allowance of $100,000 from the treasury under her husband's authorization.

Kenyan sex worker-led organisations (SWLOs) often play a key role in the national HIV response. Accounts of these organisations frequently focus on their community-led approaches to promote sexual health. This paper addresses sensitisation, an underexplored but significant activity in the political agency of sex workers (SWs). Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in a male SWLO in Nairobi, we examine how male SWs strategically use their position in the national HIV response to create spaces of police sensitisation. Taking police sensitisation as a manifestation of community-led advocacy and a 'politics of small steps', we examine how SWs respond to, resist and remake the political landscape of police violence. The strategy supports SWs in changing existing power relationships between themselves and the police, albeit within the confines of a criminalising legal system. The analysis of sensitisation practices supports a reimagining of SWLOs that stresses their political agency in the production of new political spaces and expands the focus on African SWLOs beyond HIV work to their political activities, which advance SWs' health, rights and social justice.

No issue has been more controversial in the discussion of police union responses to allegations of excessive force than statutory and contractual protections for officers accused of misconduct, as critics assail such protections and police unions defend them. For all the public controversy over police unions, there is relatively little legal scholarship on them. Neither the legal nor the social science literature on policing and police reform has explored the opportunities and constraints that labor law offers in thinking about organizational change. The scholarly deficit has substantial public policy consequences, as groups ranging from Black Lives Matter to the U.S. Department of Justice are proposing legal changes that will require the cooperation of police labor organizations to implement. This Article fills that gap. Part I explores the structure and functioning of police departments and the evolution of police unions as a response to a hierarchical and autocratic command structure. Part II examines how and why police unions have been obstacles to reform, focusing particularly on union defense of protections for officers accused of misconduct. Part III describes and analyzes instances in which cities have implemented reforms to reduce police violence and improve police-community relations over fifty years. All of them involved the cooperation of the rank-And-file, and many involved active cooperation with the union. Part IV proposes mild changes in the law governing police labor relations to facilitate rank-And-file support of the kinds of transparency, accountability, and constitutional policing practices that police reformers have been advocating for at least a generation. We propose a limited form of minority union bargaining-A reform that has been advocated in other contexts by both the political left and the political right at various points in recent history-To create an institutional structure enabling diverse representatives of police rankand- file to meet and confer with police management over policing practices.

No issue has been more controversial in the discussion of police union responses to allegations of excessive force than statutory and contractual protections for officers accused of misconduct, as critics assail such protections and police unions defend them. For all the public controversy over police unions, there is relatively little legal scholarship on them. Neither the legal nor the social science literature on policing and police reform has explored the opportunities and constraints that labor law offers in thinking about organizational change. The scholarly deficit has substantial public policy consequences, as groups ranging from Black Lives Matter to the U.S. Department of Justice are proposing legal changes that will require the cooperation of police labor organizations to implement. This Article fills that gap. Part I explores the structure and functioning of police departments and the evolution of police unions as a response to a hierarchical and autocratic command structure. Part II examines how and why police unions have been obstacles to reform, focusing particularly on union defense of protections for officers accused of misconduct. Part III describes and analyzes instances in which cities have implemented reforms to reduce police violence and improve police-community relations over fifty years. All of them involved the cooperation of the rank-And-file, and many involved active cooperation with the union. Part IV proposes mild changes in the law governing police labor relations to facilitate rank-And-file support of the kinds of transparency, accountability, and constitutional policing practices that police reformers have been advocating for at least a generation. We propose a limited form of minority union bargaining-A reform that has been advocated in other contexts by both the political left and the political right at various points in recent history-To create an institutional structure enabling diverse representatives of police rankand- file to meet and confer with police management over policing practices.

Groundnut popularly known as peanut is gaining ground in the market as awareness of its nutritive values is being created, hence its production needs to be boosted. A research was carried out to assess the consumption pattern and the impact of fertilizers in boosting groundnut production in Ejigbo Local Government of Osun State. One hundred and twenty farmers were interviewed with structured questionnaires. The ages of the respondents were categorized as 15 – 30 (60%), 31 - 50 (48%), and 51 years and above (12%). The study showed that 53.3% of the respondents were male while 46.7% were female. All the respondents consume groundnut both in boiled and roasted forms. Only 15% of the respondents use groundnut to prepare soup called gbegiri while 98% eat the groundnut cake known as kulikuli. Ninety-two respondents applied fertilizers out of the one hundred and twenty farmers interviewed. Ninety percent of those who applied fertilizers used NPK15:15:15 fertilizer while ten percent used either urea, muriate of potash or animal dung. The methods used by the farmers in applying fertilizers include broadcasting (52.2%), row (13%), spot (26.1) and foliar (8.7%.). Ninety-two percent agreed that the use of fertilizers in growing groundnut increase the yield of groundnut while twenty-eight disagreed. Most farmers were not familiar with the use of organomineral fertilizer in increasing groundnut yield. It is concluded that the type and method of fertilizer application influence the yield of groundnut.