Suchergebnisse

The Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey (FEVS) is a Web-based organizational climate survey administered annually
by the U.S. Office of Personnel Management. The survey targets full- or part-time, permanently employed civilian
personnel from more than 80 U.S. government agencies. Despite increases in the scope, publicity, and uses of FEVS
data, its response rate has gradually declined over time. In an effort to gauge the causes for nonresponse, this paper
discusses results from an experiment fielded during the 2017 FEVS in which a portion of sampled individuals was
given the opportunity to opt out from the survey. Before effectively being added to the "unsubscribe" list, however, the
individual was asked to cite the primary reason for choosing not to take the FEVS. Using auxiliary information from the
sampling frame, this article argues that inferences based on this item are valuable because opters out are generally
representative of the larger pool of nonrespondents.

To combat the potentially detrimental effects of nonresponse, most surveys repeatedly follow-up with nonrespondents, often targeting a response rate or predetermined number of completes. Each additional recruitment attempt generally brings in a new wave of data, but returns gradually diminish over the course of a static data collection protocol. This is because each subsequent wave tends to contain fewer and fewer new responses, thereby rendering smaller and smaller changes in point estimates. Consequently, point estimates calculated from the accumulating data begin to stabilize. This is the notion of phase capacity, suggesting some form of design change is warranted, such as switching modes, increasing the incentive, or simply discontinuing nonrespondent follow-up. Phase capacity testing methods that have appeared in the literature to date are generally only applicable to a single point estimate. It is unclear how to proceed if conflicting results are obtained following independent tests on two or more point estimates. The purpose of this paper is to introduce two multivariate phase capacity tests, each designed with the aim of providing a universal, yes-or-no phase capacity determination for a battery of point estimates. The two competing methods' performance is compared via simulation and application using data from the 2011 Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey.

"Invariably, full response is not achieved with a single survey solicitation, and so a sequence of follow-up attempts typically ensues in an effort to mitigate the potentially detrimental effects of nonresponse. Rather than permitting the follow-up campaign to continue indefinitely or until some preset response rate is met, a potentially more efficient alternative is to track a key point estimate in real-time as data is received and alter the survey design phase (i.e., modify the recruitment protocol) once the point estimate stabilizes. The notion of point estimate stability has been referred to as phase capacity in the survey methodology literature, and several methods to detect when it has occurred have been proposed in recent years. Noticeably absent from those works, however, is statistical theory providing insight into how point estimates can change during the course of data collection in the first place. The goal of this paper is to take a first step in developing that theory. To do so, the two established perspectives of survey nonresponse - deterministic and stochastic - are extended to account for the temporal dimension of responses obtained during a survey design phase. An illustration using data from the 2014 Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey is included to provide empirical support for the new theory introduced." (author's abstract)

Since the collapse of the Fujimori regime in November 2000, the Peruvian political system has experienced considerable turbulence, which has focused attention on the capabilities and comportment of the country's elected politicians. While some analysts hold that 'there is no political class in Peru', others maintain that since Fujimori's demise a 'resurrection' has occurred in the fortunes of both parties and politicians who occupied centre stage during the 1980s. This article examines these claims, arguing that despite appearances to the contrary, the core of Peru's political class operates in a rational and responsible fashion.

AbstractFollowing scandals concerning extensive corruption, electoral fraud and manipulation by the security services, Alberto Fujimori's authoritarian regime collapsed in November 2000, throwing Peru into political turmoil. A fresh ballot organised in 2001 led to the election of Alejandro Toledo as president. Assessments of the Toledo administration's performance and the health of Peruvian democracy in the post-Fujimori period have been overwhelmingly pessimistic. Recent political developments are analysed to argue that such negativity is mistaken. Apart from recording strong economic growth, under Toledo civilian control over the military and intelligence services has increased markedly. Greater horizontal and vertical accountability has produced a more open polity. Citizen's rights are better secured. Despite ongoing problems, post-Fujimori a process of democratic 'deepening' has occurred.