Suchergebnisse

This article analyses Australian media's coverage of China's efforts to contain COVID-19. The article is a critical discourse analysis of the major news stories, documentaries, opinions, and analyses published in the entire array of Australian media, including both television and radio programs from the taxpayer-funded public broadcaster the ABC, commercial media outlets such as Murdoch's The Australian newspaper and Nine Entertainment's The Sydney Morning Herald, and several tabloid papers. By identifying the key themes, perspectives, and angles used in these reports and narratives, this article finds that the more credible media outlets have mostly framed China's efforts in political and ideological terms, rather than as an issue of public health. In comparison, the tabloid media—including commercial television, shock jock radio, and newspapers—have resorted to conspiratorial, racist, and Sino-phobic positions. In both instances, the coverage of China's experience is a continuation and embodiment of the "China threat" and "Chinese influence" discourses that have now dominated the Australian media for a number of years.

© The Author(s) 2020. It is difficult to conduct ethnographic inquiries into how China's rural migrant individuals make decisions about their bodies and their sexual capital, and to date there have been few attempts to do so. Equally scant are examinations of the moral, cultural, and political frameworks that rural migrant workers who live in poverty and in the socio-economic margins use to make sense of sexual decisions and choices. This article starts with an ethnographic glimpse into the lives of some sex workers in Shenzhen, and proceeds to analyse a range of texts: a novella, a novel, a cluster of news stories (from both commercial and state media), and a feature story in a popular lowbrow magazine. Pitting these texts against sex workers' own statements, as well as reading the texts in juxtaposition, brings into sharp relief the contradictions, connections, and coalitions between a range of discursive positions. The analysis suggests that a critical socio-economic framework, rather than a normative framework of transgression, may get us closer to understanding the emotional consequences of inequality. The analysis also demonstrates that for investigations into how inequality shapes intimacy, cultural texts may contain useful ethnographic insights that complement more traditional ethnographic methods.

Abstract
The goal of the present study was to replicate and extend previous research that demonstrated the incremental validity of narrative identity in predicting psychological well-being among Korean adults. We recruited 147 Korean adults living in South Korea who completed a battery of questionnaires that assessed the Big Five traits, extrinsic value orientation, self-concept clarity, and psychological well-being. Participants then wrote a story about how they had become the persons they were, which was subsequently coded in terms of agency. We found that psychological well-being was positively related to extraversion, agreeableness, openness, conscientiousness, and self-concept clarity, but negatively to neuroticism and extrinsic value orientation. The positive relation between agency, coded from narratives, and psychological well-being was significant both with and without controlling for the other variables. These results showed that narrative identity has incremental validity in predicting well-being among individuals who live in a culture where collectivism and individualism coexist.

This article is a political economy account of Australia-focused subscription accounts on the social media platform WeChat, based on an analysis of 50 top-ranked WeChat subscription accounts (WSAs) in Australia over a 1-week period in July 2019 and empirical data collected from 2 large surveys conducted among Chinese Australians in 2018 and 2019. It provides a nuanced understanding of the institutional context, regulatory framework and modus operandi of these WSAs, illustrating the development of and connection between the following three components: online Chinese-language media content, WeChat as a content delivery platform and WSAs as business initiatives. The article argues that the status of Chinese-language digital/social media in Australia is confined by a pre-existing technological infrastructure and regulatory framework, rather than any direct intervention of a specific authority, media outlet or platform, and that these media outlets and platforms should best be understood as an instance of transnational entrepreneurship.

© The Author(s) 2020. With the number of Mandarin-speaking migrants on the rise in Australia and the centrality of Chinese social media platforms among a large majority of this cohort, it is time that we examined the role of WeChat in political communication and citizenship education among Chinese migrants. In the lead-up to the May 2019 federal election, WeChat became a political campaigning battlefield in which candidates held live WeChat sessions with Chinese Australian voters. Despite much discussion about WeChat's impact on Australian politics, there is little understanding of its potential educational role in citizen-making: to what extent does WeChat educate new citizens about Australia's political system, democratic values, and electoral processes? This article uses the 2019 federal election as a prism through which to explore civic education and citizen-making in the digital space of WeChat. Drawing on online surveys, sustained digital ethnographic observation, and in-depth one-on-one interviews, we ask whether and how the work of certain individuals in this digital space engenders a new form of community leadership and a more engaged form of civic behavior. We also assess WeChat's potential in facilitating the process of political integration for new migrants from authoritarian societies.

© The Author(s) 2019. This article explores two contested concepts: Chinese digital diaspora and social media. It signposts two issues central to the special issue that analyses the roles of digital and social media in the lives of Chinese migrants in Australia, that is, (1) WeChat and other digital platforms in enabling civic participation in Australian socio-economic, cultural, and political lives; (2) the impact of such digital practices on their identity and citizenship.

© The Author(s) 2020. If You Are the One (IYATO) is China's most popular television dating show. Since Australia's Special Broadcasting Service (SBS) bought it 6 years ago, the show has attracted a cult following among English-speaking viewers. SBS subsequently purchased several other Chinese reality shows, and the Seven Network launched its own version of IYATO. But none of these programmes have proven to be as enduringly popular as IYATO. Taking an industry studies approach, this article draws on the inside knowledge of one of the authors, and on interviews with several other SBS employees, to shed light on the media industry's thinking behind importing cultural products from China, particularly against the backdrop of fear and anxiety about China's influence. We also ask why IYATO has endeared itself to Australia's English-speaking viewers in ways that the majority of Chinese media content has not, despite the Chinese government's myriad soft power initiatives.

AbstractWe use the Investment Model framework to examine what relationship features are associated with interest in and positive evaluations of consensual non‐monogamy (CNM) among individuals in monogamous relationships. In data sets from the United States (Study 1), Europe (Study 2), and Korea (Study 3; total N = 886), perceptions of higher‐quality alternatives were consistently associated with more interest in CNM. Further, consistent with previous work on commitment‐motivated relationship maintenance processes, we found support for an indirect effect whereby lower commitment was associated with higher perceived attractiveness of alternatives, which in turn was associated with more interest in CNM. The data suggest that the idea of CNM is likely to be most attractive to those who see themselves as having higher‐quality relationship options.