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This study tests how the density of the social network in which intergroup contact takes place might affect the extent to which contact improves intergroup attitudes. Having contact with more outgroup members in dense social networks, in which everybody knows each other, may reinforce contact's positive effect. In this case, outgroup contact is shared with ingroup members, which suggests positive ingroup norms toward the outgroup. Alternatively, more contact in denser networks may improve intergroup attitudes less because density may increase subtyping or reduce the salience of ethnic group memberships. These competing hypotheses are tested among white American adults in a nonprobability online sample (N = 305) and in a representative national sample (N = 1270). In both studies, contact is associated with more positive attitudes toward racial outgroups but the positive contact effect is weakened if that contact takes place in a denser social network.

Research has found that prejudiced people avoid friendships with members of ethnic outgroups. Results of this study suggest that this effect is mediated by a social network process. Longitudinal network analysis of a three-wave panel study of 12- to 13-year-olds (N = 453) found that more prejudiced majority group members formed fewer intergroup friendships than less prejudiced majority group members. This was caused indirectly by the preference to become friends of one's friends' friends (triadic closure). More prejudiced majority members did not have a preference for actively avoiding minority group members. Rather, they had the tendency to avoid friends who already had minority group friends and thus could not be introduced to potential minority group friends. Instead they became friends with the majority group friends of their friends. This research shows how a social networks perspective can further our understanding of the processes underlying intergroup contact.

Survey respondents have been found to systematically overreport their participation in political elections. Although the sociodemographic correlates of this response bias are well known, only a few studies have analysed the determinants predicted by two prominent theoretical explanations for vote overreporting: memory failure and social desirability (SD) bias. Both explanations have received empirical support in studies in which the probability of vote overreporting was found to increase (a) with the time between the election and the survey interview and (b) when respondents were politically involved to a larger extent. In the present paper, we argue that the effect of each of these determinants is not simply additive but depends on the value of the respective other factor. This interaction effect has been found with data from the American National Election Studies: The probability of vote overreporting increases significantly more strongly with the respondents' political involvement when more time has elapsed since the election day. Copyright (c) 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Egocentric network studies and many general population surveys rely on proxy reports about network contacts of study participants that are asked in name interpreter questions. A central concern is the extent to which proxy reports match the answers these contacts would give themselves if they would be directly interviewed. Based on the theory of survey satisficing, the present research proposes a theoretical framework that allows predicting when proxy reports are likely to match self-reports. Congruence is higher if respondents possess the motivation and ability to answer a proxy question effortfully, and if the task is not too difficult. Moreover, the theory of survey satisficing states that motivation, abilities, and task difficulty are not independent of each other, which provides an explanation for inconsistent findings in the literature. Results from two egocentric network studies study among German adults (N = 756) and among Dutch middle school students (N = 679), in which network contacts were also interviewed, are in line with these hypotheses. Design recommendations for egocentric network studies are provided.

Egocentric network studies and many general population surveys rely on proxy reports about network contacts of study participants that are asked in name interpreter questions. A central concern is the extent to which proxy reports match the answers these contacts would give themselves if they would be directly interviewed. Based on the theory of survey satisficing, the present research proposes a theoretical framework that allows predicting when proxy reports are likely to match self-reports. Congruence is higher if respondents possess the motivation and ability to answer a proxy question effortfully, and if the task is not too difficult. Moreover, the theory of survey satisficing states that motivation, abilities, and task difficulty are not independent of each other, which provides an explanation for inconsistent findings in the literature. Results from two egocentric network studies study among German adults (N = 756) and among Dutch middle school students (N = 679), in which network contacts were also interviewed, are in line with these hypotheses. Design recommendations for egocentric network studies are provided.

This study (1) tested the effectiveness of a new survey tool to collect ego-centered network data and (2) assessed the impact of giving people feedback about their network on subsequent responses. The new tool, GENSI (Graphical Ego-centered Network Survey Interface), allows respondents to describe all network contacts at once via a graphical representation of their networks. In an online experiment, 434 American adults were randomly assigned to answer traditional network questions or GENSI and were randomly assigned to receive feedback about their network or not. The traditional questionnaire and GENSI took the same amount of time to complete, and measurements of racial composition of the network showed equivalent convergent validity in both survey tools. However, the new tool appears to solve what past researchers have considered to be a problem with online administration: exaggerated numbers of network connections. Moreover, respondents reported enjoying GENSI more than the traditional tool. Thus, using a graphical interface to collect ego-centered network data seems to be promising. However, telling respondents how their network compared to the average Americans reduced the convergent validity of measures administered after the feedback was provided, suggesting that such feedback should be avoided.

How can we reduce ethnic friendship segregation in ethnically heterogeneous schools? The Common Ingroup Identity Model suggests that interethnic friendships are promoted by those intervention programs that focus on the interests students have in common. The authors argue that the outcome of these common interest interventions may crucially depend on sufficient consensus in participants' opinions regarding the shared interest. Such an intervention may backfire and increase ethnic segregation if participants from different ethnic groups have different opinions about the common interest. The authors test their argument analyzing the dynamics of friendship networks and opinions in 48 school classes with an actor-based stochastic model. Their findings suggest that salient common interests in ethnically mixed school classes can indeed reduce ethnic segregation. However, they also found that friendship selection on the basis of similar opinions can foster ethnic segregation. This occurred when ethnicity was correlated with the opinions that students held regarding the salient interest, even when these students did not prefer intra-ethnic friendship per se.

This study examines whether negative contact with immigrants promotes voting for radical right‐wing parties, to what extent this relationship can be explained by feelings of outgroup threat, and whether this relationship depends on perceived personal and collective self‐efficacy. Hypotheses were tested among 630 native Dutch respondents, mainly living in multicultural neighborhoods. The results show that negative contact with immigrants is associated with feelings of personal (egocentric) and group (sociotropic) threat, and both these feelings, in turn, are associated with radical right‐wing voting. However, negative intergroup contact is less strongly related to egocentric threat when individuals feel able to personally address negative situations with other people (personal self‐efficacy). Furthermore, the findings suggest that negative intergroup contact is less strongly related to sociotropic threat when individuals believe that people in their neighborhood are able to collectively address some negative situations (collective self‐efficacy).

Research on the influence of the number of ethnic minority group classmates on majority group students' interethnic attitudes produced conflicting results. With data from 728 early adolescents, we found that the effect of the ethnic class composition depends on two opposing student-level mechanisms. First, majority group students who liked a larger number of minority group classmates developed more positive attitudes toward minority groups. Second, students who disliked a larger number of outgroup classmates developed more negative outgroup attitudes. In our sample, these two effects neutralized each other because the sample consisted of about the same number of students that liked most of their outgroup classmates and students that disliked most outgroup classmates. Results were consistent in cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses. These results support a new interpretation of the mixed findings in past research, suggesting that past studies may have differed in the number of students who liked and disliked outgroup classmates.

In recent decades, research in political psychology has illuminated the psychological processes underlying important political action, both by ordinary citizens and by political leaders. As the world has become increasingly engaged in thinking about politics, this volume reflects some exciting new work by political psychologists to understand the psychological processes underlying Americans' political thinking and action. In 13 chapters, world-class scholars present new in-depth work exploring public opinion, social movements, attitudes toward affirmative action, the behavior of political leaders, the impact of the 9/11 attacks, and scientists' statements about global warming and gasoline prices. There are also studies of attitude strength that compare the causes and consequences of various strength-related constructs. The volume will appeal to a wide range of researchers and students in political psychology and political science, and may be used as a text on upper-level courses requiring a scholarly and contemporary review of major issues in the field.

Despite much attention for group polarization in online environments, little is known about how group membership affects online behavior. We designed an online platform where ethnic minority and majority users in the Netherlands participated in discussions about controversial topics (homosexuality and abortion). Participants were randomly assigned to either progressive, conservative, or mixed discussions on these topics, which were ostensibly held among ethnic minority or majority users. We find that when ethnic minority users are exposed to discussions among the ethnic majority (i.e., outgroup) with which they disagree, they are less likely to express their opinions and more likely to deviate from their personal opinions. Among ethnic majority users, we find the opposite: when confronted with a discussion among the ethnic minority with which they disagree, they are more likely to voice their opinion and less likely to deviate from their personal opinions. This shows that group membership can affect online polarization.