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In this paper we propose adopting a noncognitive perspective for the understanding of people's anxiety or, its opposite, feelings of security about living near hazardous industrial facilities. Results of our empirical investigations among residents of a heavily industrialized area indicate that at least four qualitatively different response patterns exist: the Secure, the Accepting, the Defensive, and the Vigilant response. In this order manifest anxiety increases, which increase is shown to be a function of the assessment of the threat, of the opportunities for personal control (specific), and of hope (generalized) to bring about a better environment by one's own action. As an application of the usefulness of this typology we discuss the various explanations for the often‐observed male/female difference in anxiety regarding industrial threat.

In several European countries efforts are undertaken, in particular with regard to fixed industrial installations and transport of dangerous substances, to quantify the "societal risk" (SR) of accidents that may cause more than one victim at a time. This article explores the nature of such efforts. SR‐models are essentially ways to structure the distribution of potential social costs of decisions about hazardous activities (e.g., costs of risk reduction, of land use forgone). First, the various ways to describe SR quantitatively, and to set limits to SR will be presented in short. Next, using a scheme developed by Fischhoff and colleagues, the various approaches will be placed in broad categories of reaching acceptable risk decisions: bootstrapping, formal analysis, and professional judgment. Each of the three categories offers a particular appreciation of the risks as 'external costs'. This has important political implications. In the discussion it is argued that local SR‐limits, by the very nature of SR, should be set in a way that creates consistency with any potential supra‐local interests involved. Second, particular attention is paid to the validity of claims that SR‐limits should reflect a strong risk aversion.

Implementation of article 8.1 of the EC‐"Seveso" Directive (82/501/EC) is now under way in many countries in Europe. In The Netherlands, the implementation of the Directive started with a carefully monitored introduction of active information provision at two sites (Dordrecht and Elst). This introduction was supported by a multidisciplinary research group. This group helped to develop the risk communication program and also played a role in the evaluation of the program. This paper describes these processes and their evaluation. We will focus on the design of the risk communication programs and the effects of the programs on knowledge and attitudes of the local target groups. This effort and its results clearly started an institutional learning process involving governmental bodies at several organizational levels (local, regional, and national), and industrial organizations (individual firms and organizations of industries). Monitoring the design, the implementation, and the effects of active information provision proves an effective means to gain experience with the implementation of the Seveso Directive and could help to facilitate further implementation.