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This paper is based on the premise that current empirical analyses of collective violence are largely inadequate, and takes as its primary objective a detailed specification of alternative methodological strategies. Quantitative research on violence is cited for problems of measurement and causal inference, which stem from attempts to represent important theoretical concepts (relative deprivation, resource mobilization) at levels of analysis other than those at which they are formulated. Alternative strategies for empirical investigation of violence include timeseries analyses of individual perceptions and data on organized groups, as well as studies of crowd dynamics. Methods for linking the latter type of qualitative approach to quantitative ecological analyses are indicated. In general, the conclusions strongly suggest a theoretical and empirical reorientation toward "disaggregated" approaches to collective violence, and away from global conceptual and cross-national methodological efforts. Although consideration is limited to the determinants of domestic violence, the concluding section outlines the potential relevance of international linkages and the outcomes of violence to these central concerns.

In this groundbreaking work, David Raub Snyder offers a nuanced investigation into the German army's prosecution and punishment of sex offenders during the Second World War. In so doing, Snyder restores balance to the literature regarding the military administration of justice under Hitler and to the historiography of sexuality and the Third Reich

By the early 1950s, Western rearmament had emerged as a central U.S. foreign policy goal. However, many West European governments were reluctant to bear the costs of rearmament at a time when economic reconstruction and social welfare were still urgently needed. Perhaps nowhere was this resistance as entrenched as in the Netherlands, where concern over defense expenditure was most pronounced among Dutch housewives, a traditionally prominent part of Dutch society. For U.S. diplomats in The Hague, the Dutch housewife therefore became the greatest obstacle they needed to overcome in generating Dutch support for rearmament. When U.S. officials encouraged Dutch women to take a more prominent stand on international affairs, these efforts posed a challenge to local cultural conventions. Yet with few usable cultural tropes on which to draw amid continued economic austerity, the U.S. effort to reach Dutch women fell short. An analysis of this failed effort underscores the limits of U.S. cultural influence in other Western societies during the early Cold War.

By the early 1950s, Western rearmament had emerged as a central U.S. foreign policy goal. However, many West European governments were reluctant to bear the costs of rearmament at a time when economic reconstruction and social welfare were still urgently needed. Perhaps nowhere was this resistance as entrenched as in the Netherlands, where concern over defense expenditure was most pronounced among Dutch housewives, a traditionally prominent part of Dutch society. For U.S. diplomats in The Hague, the Dutch housewife therefore became the greatest obstacle they needed to overcome in generating Dutch support for rearmament. When U.S. officials encouraged Dutch women to take a more prominent stand on international affairs, these efforts posed a challenge to local cultural conventions. Yet with few usable cultural tropes on which to draw amid continued economic austerity, the U.S. effort to reach Dutch women fell short. An analysis of this failed effort underscores the limits of U.S. cultural influence in other Western societies during the early Cold War. Adapted from the source document.