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"‎Contents" -- "‎Preface" -- "‎List of Figures" -- "‎Chapter 1. Liberal Egalitarianism" -- "‎Introduction" -- "‎Well-being" -- "‎Autonomous Agency" -- "‎Access to Resources" -- "‎The Development of Essential Capabilities" -- "‎Democratic Will-Formation" -- "‎Chapter 2. Towards a Liberal Egalitarian Normative Theory of Institutions" -- "‎The Household" -- "‎Market Production and Distribution" -- "‎The State" -- "‎Civil Society: The Public Sphere and Voluntary Associations" -- "‎The Regime of Global Governance" -- "‎Chapter 3. Misunderstandings, False Starts, Further Questions" -- "‎Some Marxian Objections to Liberal Egalitarianism" -- "‎Liberal Egalitarian Criticisms of Marx" -- "‎Conclusion" -- "‎Chapter 4. The Beginning Level of Marxian Theory" -- "‎The Beginning Level of Theoretical Abstraction (1): The Commodity, Value, Abstract Labour" -- "‎The Beginning Level of Theoretical Abstraction (2): Money" -- "‎Normative Considerations" -- "‎Conclusion" -- "‎Chapter 5. Marx's Concept of Capital" -- "‎Marx's Concept of Capital (1): Capital as a 'Dominant Subject'" -- "‎Ontological and Normative Implications of the General Formula of Capital" -- "‎Normative Implications" -- "‎Marx's Concept of Capital (2): Capital as a 'Pseudo-Subject'" -- "‎Chapter 6. Human Flourishing and the Structural Tendencies of Capitalism" -- "‎The Capital/Wage Labour Relationship" -- "‎Overaccumulation Crises" -- "‎Financial Crises" -- "‎Environmental Crises" -- "‎Severe Global Inequality and Poverty" -- "‎Conclusion" -- "‎Chapter 7. A Liberal Egalitarian Response to the Marxian Challenge" -- "‎The Critique of Economism" -- "‎A Reform Agenda" -- "‎Chapter 8. Towards a Marxian Theory of 'The Political'" -- "‎Five Theses on the Capitalist State

The liberal internationalist tradition is credited with America's greatest triumphs as a world power and also its biggest failures. Beginning in the 1940s, imbued with the spirit of Woodrow Wilson's efforts at the League of Nations to "make the world safe for democracy," the United States steered a course in world affairs that would eventually win the Cold War. Yet in the 1990s, Wilsonianism turned imperialist contributing directly to the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the continued failures of American foreign policy. Why Wilson Matters explains how the liberal internationalist community can regain a sense of identity and purpose following the betrayal of Wilson's vision by the brash "neo-Wilsonianism" being pursued today. Drawing on Wilson's original writings and speeches, Tony Smith traces how his thinking about America's role in the world evolved in the years leading up to and during his presidency, and how the Wilsonian tradition went on to influence American foreign policy in the decades that followed for good and for ill. He traces the tradition's evolution from its "classic" era with Wilson, to its "hegemonic" stage during the Cold War, to its "imperialist" phase today. Smith calls for an end to reckless forms of U.S. foreign intervention and a return to the prudence and "eternal vigilance" of Wilson's own time. Why Wilson Matters renews hope that the United States might again become effectively liberal by returning to the sense of realism that Wilson espoused one where the promotion of democracy around the world is balanced by the understanding that such efforts are not likely to come quickly and without costs. --

America's Mission argues that the global strength and prestige of democracy today are due in large part to America's impact on international affairs. Tony Smith documents the extraordinary history of how American foreign policy has been used to try to promote democracy worldwide, an effort that enjoyed its greatest triumphs in the occupations of Japan and Germany but suffered huge setbacks in Latin America, Vietnam, and elsewhere. With new chapters and a new introduction and epilogue, this expanded edition also traces U.S. attempts to spread democracy more recently.

Despite the overwhelming opposition on the left to the war in Iraq, many prominent liberals supported the war on humanitarian grounds. They argued that the war would rid the world of a brutal dictator and liberate the Iraqi people from totalitarian oppression, paving the way for a democratic transformation of the country. In A Pact with the Devil Tony Smith deftly traces this undeniable drift in mainstream liberal thinking toward a more militant posture in world affairs with respect to human rights and democracy promotion. Beginning with the Wilsonian quest to 'make the world safe for democrac

This book is the first comprehensive analysis of the politics of war crimes trials. It provides a systematic and theoretically rigorous examination of whether these trials are used as tools for political consolidation or whether justice is their primary purpose. The consideration of cases begins with the trial of Charles I of England and goes through the presidency of George W. Bush, including the trials of Saddam Hussein and those arising from the War on Terror. The book concludes that political consolidation is the primary concern of these trials - a point that runs contrary to the popular perception of the trials and their stated justification. Through the consideration of war crimes trials, this book makes a contribution to our understanding of power and conflict resolution and illuminates the developmental path of war crimes tribunals

Hegel conceptualized the capitalist economy as a system of needs, with commodities and money serving as means to human ends. While anticipating Marx's criticisms of certain tendencies in capitalism, Hegel insisted that higher‑order institutions, especially those of the modern state, could put them out of play and establish a reconciliation of universality, particularity, and individuality warranting rational affirmation. Hegel, however, failed to comprehend the emergence of capital as a dominant subject, subordinating human ends under its end ("valorization"). The structural coercion, domination, and exploitation inherent in the capital/wage labor relationship illustrate that point, as does the depoliticization of inherently political matters in capitalist market societies. The reconciliation of universality, particularity, and individuality Hegel endorsed requires a form of socialism incorporating deliberative democracy in local workplaces and communities, conjoined with representative bodies on regional, national, and ultimately global levels. ; Hegel concebeu a economia capitalista como um sistema de necessidades, onde as mercadorias e o dinheiro servem de meio para a obtenção de fins humanos. Antecipando as críticas de Marx a algumas tendências do capitalismo, Hegel insistiu no facto de um conjunto instituições de ordem superior – especialmente as instituições do Estado moderno – poder contrariar essas tendências e levar a uma reconciliação racional entre o universal, o particular e o individual. Contudo, Hegel não compreendeu a emergência do capital como sujeito dominante, que subordina os fins humanos ao seu próprio fim ("valorização"). A coerção estrutural, a dominação e a exploração inerentes à relação capital/trabalho assalariado ilustram este ponto, bem como a despolitização, nas sociedades de mercado capitalistas, de elementos intrinsecamente políticos. A reconciliação entre o universal, o particular e o individual defendida por Hegel requer uma forma de socialismo que incorpore a democracia ...