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Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Introduction -- 1. Hamlet -- 2. Silence -- 3. Chicken -- 4. Labor -- 5. Bodies -- 6. Deregulation -- 7. Endings -- Epilogue -- In Memoriam -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Z -- About the Author.

For decades, the small, quiet town of Hamlet, North Carolina, thrived thanks to the railroad. But by the 1970s, it had become a postindustrial backwater, a magnet for businesses in search of cheap labor and almost no oversight. Imperial Food Products was one of those businesses. The company set up shop in Hamlet in the 1980s. Workers who complained about low pay and hazardous working conditions at the plant were silenced or fired. But jobs were scarce in town, so workers kept coming back, and the company continued to operate with impunity. Then, on the morning of September 3, 1991, the never-inspected chicken-processing plant a stone's throw from Hamlet's city hall burst into flames. Twenty-five people perished that day behind the plant's locked and bolted doors. It remains one of the deadliest accidents ever in the history of the modern American food industry. Eighty years after the Triangle Shirtwaist Fire, industrial disasters were supposed to have been a thing of the past in the United States. However, as award-winning historian Bryant Simon shows, the pursuit of cheap food merged with economic decline in small towns across the South and the nation to devalue laborers and create perilous working conditions. The Hamlet fire and its aftermath reveal the social costs of antiunionism, lax regulations, and ongoing racial discrimination. Using oral histories, contemporary news coverage, and state records, Simon has constructed a vivid, potent, and disturbing social autopsy of this town, this factory, and this time that exposes how cheap labor, cheap government, and cheap food came together in a way that was destined to result in tragedy

Introducing the Starbucks moment -- Real coffee -- Predictability the individual way -- It looks like a third place -- Self-gifting and retail therapy -- Hear music for everyday explorers -- Not-so-green cups -- Sleeping soundly in the age of globalization

This thesis may be considered from two angles: that of a retrospective look at the professional framework and the practices of buildings archaeology within the sphere of architectural heritage management and that of an appraisal of the archaeological data gathered during field work in this particular context. Before being considered as "heritage", standing buildings of any form are archaeological remains. The first part of this work examines the legal and institutional framework which conditions just how and when archaeologists may get to study and record these remains in a context where the legislation concerning the protection and management of the architectural heritage is juxtaposed rather than integrated with that governing archaeological research. Within this framework, archaeological field work usually has to satisfy the needs of the institutions responsible for the management and restoration of architectural heritage. In so doing, it also produces considerable amounts of "secondary" data which are rarely published or even used, despite their potential interest for archaeological research on the history of building. The second part of this thesis consists of a critique of the archaeological methods used during the field work and its' effects on the quality and the quantity of the data produced. It was thus possible to make a thematic assessment of the state of archaeological research in the Centre region over the last two decades and to draw up a corpus of sites which form the basis for the third part of the thesis. This corpus consists of forty-one buildings of various types which have been directly studied by the author during archaeological field work. They cover the period from the middle of the 11th century to the start of the 17th century. Another thirty-nine buildings situated in the Berry in the southern part of the region were also selected as comparative sites. This rather heterogeneous sample offered the advantage of not being bound by the usual typological categories. By comparing very ...

This thesis may be considered from two angles: that of a retrospective look at the professional framework and the practices of buildings archaeology within the sphere of architectural heritage management and that of an appraisal of the archaeological data gathered during field work in this particular context. Before being considered as "heritage", standing buildings of any form are archaeological remains. The first part of this work examines the legal and institutional framework which conditions just how and when archaeologists may get to study and record these remains in a context where the legislation concerning the protection and management of the architectural heritage is juxtaposed rather than integrated with that governing archaeological research. Within this framework, archaeological field work usually has to satisfy the needs of the institutions responsible for the management and restoration of architectural heritage. In so doing, it also produces considerable amounts of "secondary" data which are rarely published or even used, despite their potential interest for archaeological research on the history of building. The second part of this thesis consists of a critique of the archaeological methods used during the field work and its' effects on the quality and the quantity of the data produced. It was thus possible to make a thematic assessment of the state of archaeological research in the Centre region over the last two decades and to draw up a corpus of sites which form the basis for the third part of the thesis. This corpus consists of forty-one buildings of various types which have been directly studied by the author during archaeological field work. They cover the period from the middle of the 11th century to the start of the 17th century. Another thirty-nine buildings situated in the Berry in the southern part of the region were also selected as comparative sites. This rather heterogeneous sample offered the advantage of not being bound by the usual typological categories. By comparing very ...

This thesis may be considered from two angles: that of a retrospective look at the professional framework and the practices of buildings archaeology within the sphere of architectural heritage management and that of an appraisal of the archaeological data gathered during field work in this particular context. Before being considered as "heritage", standing buildings of any form are archaeological remains. The first part of this work examines the legal and institutional framework which conditions just how and when archaeologists may get to study and record these remains in a context where the legislation concerning the protection and management of the architectural heritage is juxtaposed rather than integrated with that governing archaeological research. Within this framework, archaeological field work usually has to satisfy the needs of the institutions responsible for the management and restoration of architectural heritage. In so doing, it also produces considerable amounts of "secondary" data which are rarely published or even used, despite their potential interest for archaeological research on the history of building. The second part of this thesis consists of a critique of the archaeological methods used during the field work and its' effects on the quality and the quantity of the data produced. It was thus possible to make a thematic assessment of the state of archaeological research in the Centre region over the last two decades and to draw up a corpus of sites which form the basis for the third part of the thesis. This corpus consists of forty-one buildings of various types which have been directly studied by the author during archaeological field work. They cover the period from the middle of the 11th century to the start of the 17th century. Another thirty-nine buildings situated in the Berry in the southern part of the region were also selected as comparative sites. This rather heterogeneous sample offered the advantage of not being bound by the usual typological categories. By comparing very ...

This thesis may be considered from two angles: that of a retrospective look at the professional framework and the practices of buildings archaeology within the sphere of architectural heritage management and that of an appraisal of the archaeological data gathered during field work in this particular context. Before being considered as "heritage", standing buildings of any form are archaeological remains. The first part of this work examines the legal and institutional framework which conditions just how and when archaeologists may get to study and record these remains in a context where the legislation concerning the protection and management of the architectural heritage is juxtaposed rather than integrated with that governing archaeological research. Within this framework, archaeological field work usually has to satisfy the needs of the institutions responsible for the management and restoration of architectural heritage. In so doing, it also produces considerable amounts of "secondary" data which are rarely published or even used, despite their potential interest for archaeological research on the history of building. The second part of this thesis consists of a critique of the archaeological methods used during the field work and its' effects on the quality and the quantity of the data produced. It was thus possible to make a thematic assessment of the state of archaeological research in the Centre region over the last two decades and to draw up a corpus of sites which form the basis for the third part of the thesis. This corpus consists of forty-one buildings of various types which have been directly studied by the author during archaeological field work. They cover the period from the middle of the 11th century to the start of the 17th century. Another thirty-nine buildings situated in the Berry in the southern part of the region were also selected as comparative sites. This rather heterogeneous sample offered the advantage of not being bound by the usual typological categories. By comparing very ...

This thesis may be considered from two angles: that of a retrospective look at the professional framework and the practices of buildings archaeology within the sphere of architectural heritage management and that of an appraisal of the archaeological data gathered during field work in this particular context. Before being considered as "heritage", standing buildings of any form are archaeological remains. The first part of this work examines the legal and institutional framework which conditions just how and when archaeologists may get to study and record these remains in a context where the legislation concerning the protection and management of the architectural heritage is juxtaposed rather than integrated with that governing archaeological research. Within this framework, archaeological field work usually has to satisfy the needs of the institutions responsible for the management and restoration of architectural heritage. In so doing, it also produces considerable amounts of "secondary" data which are rarely published or even used, despite their potential interest for archaeological research on the history of building. The second part of this thesis consists of a critique of the archaeological methods used during the field work and its' effects on the quality and the quantity of the data produced. It was thus possible to make a thematic assessment of the state of archaeological research in the Centre region over the last two decades and to draw up a corpus of sites which form the basis for the third part of the thesis. This corpus consists of forty-one buildings of various types which have been directly studied by the author during archaeological field work. They cover the period from the middle of the 11th century to the start of the 17th century. Another thirty-nine buildings situated in the Berry in the southern part of the region were also selected as comparative sites. This rather heterogeneous sample offered the advantage of not being bound by the usual typological categories. By comparing very ...

Focusing on boycotts of Starbucks over last decade, this article looks more broadly at the current states of buying and civic engagement in the United States and abroad. Contrary to what Robert Putnam argues, at least in part, in his now classic text, Bowling Alone, this article suggests that, as formal electoral politics have lost their hold on many, citizens have not abandoned trying to change things or making their voices heard. Instead, they have increasingly expressed their ideas about everything from local affairs to foreign relations at the point of purchase — through in this case, not buying a widely recognized product to gain a say in the larger distribution of social power. 'Open brands,' ones that are sensitive to consumer desires, have, in turn, responded, producing a kind of 'rough democracy of buying' by offering political solutions to win or retain customers. In the end, however, the evidence suggests that while pursuing political power through (not) buying makes sense and reflects broader changes in the neoliberal world, this strategy of engagement, nonetheless, had severe limits. The stories of Starbucks boycotts show that consumer actions are easily co-opted by the marketing prowess and deft moves of multi-national brands and by the notion held by some consumers that (not) buying is enough as a study of these boycotts also points to a new way of seeing buying not so much as politics themselves but a stage in the process of politicalization.

"A Down Brother," looks at the role Earvin "Magic" Johnson played in the redevelopment of South Central Los Angeles in the wake 1992 civic unrest. Johnson famously teamed up with several multi-national brands to build a series of movie theaters, coffee shops, and restaurants in the area. While his business moves have been well chronicled, almost no one has taken seriously his ideas. Johnson claimed that recycling black dollars, not state action, was the best way to rebuild. His actions placed him in a long line of nationalist-tinged race men. But more than that, they reflected the thinking of many South Central residents, who themselves adhered in the wake of the riots to a broad, and sometimes vague, set of nationalist ideas. In the end, Johnson's schemes didn't rebuild South Central, and he eventually walked away from the area, raising questions about in his particular notion of black capitalist development with its reliance on service jobs and outside dollars. Yet, Johnson's very popularity and the popularity of his ideas highlight the enduring importance of nationalist ideas in California's Long Civil Rights Movement.

AbstractThis enthographically-based essay uses the case of Starbucks and the company's diversity policies and relationship with Magic Johnson to explore the desire for postracialism in post Civil Rights—post Martin Luther King, Jr. and post protest—mainstream America. Where did this desire come from and how did corporate America package this desire? What is the relationship between the selling of postracialism and voting for Barack Obama? What are the implications of these marketing moves? What do they tell us about business and about ourselves?