Suchergebnisse

Primera parte. Capítulo 1. Escenarios previos al Primer Congreso de la Cultura Negra de las Américas ; Coloquio Négritude et Amérique latine (1974): el "nuevo negro" y la "nueva era" ; Conferencia preparatoria de Cartegena de Indias ; De "A nuestros ekobios" a "Invitación a la desalienación" -- Capítulo 2. Primer Congreso de la Cultura Negra de las Américas: acercamiento a sus temas y discusiones ; Distancias históricas entre el norte y el sur de América ; ¿Representación o creación de un nuevo sujeto político? La categoría "negritude" en discusión ; El conflicto de Medio Oriente entra al Primer Congreso ; Las políticas educativas y la UNESCO ; Despedida en Buenaventura ; El proyecto continúa ; Segundo Congreso de la Cultura Negra de las Américas ; Tercer Congreso de la Cultura Negra de las Américas -- Segunda parte. Transcripciones. Conferencia Preparatoria de Cartagena de Indias ; Primer Congreso de la Cultura Negra de las Américas ; Asamblea plenaria.

SUMARIO: I. Introducción. Resumen.— II. Certificados de actuación notarial remota.— III. Los certificados notariales remotos no son instrumentos públicos.— IV. ¿Los certificados notariales remotos constituyen una iniciativa para promover modificaciones legislativas?— V. Necesidad de reforma legislativa para cumplir con los principios del notariado latino que inspiran nuestra función pública notarial.— VI. Relevamiento del notariado nacional y el uso de tecnologías disponibles.— VII. Opinión. ; Fil: Apellido, Nombre. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Derecho; Argentina. ; Fil: Massiccioni, Silvia M. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Derecho. Rosario; Argentina

Este ensayo critica la narrativa nacionalista de la historia de la asistencia social. Ese relato triunfalista enfatiza la consolidación del Estado en el siglo XIX y hace de la Reforma el momento culminante cuando la responsabilidad de ayudar a los pobres pasó de la Iglesia al Estado, la asistencia se secularizó y centralizó, y la beneficencia reemplazó la caridad. Pero lejos de describir lo que ocurrió, estos cambios forman parte de un mito patriótico. Recientes estudios revelan la debilidad del Estado y las limitaciones y exclusiones de los servicios públicos. Al concentrarse en algunas ciudades principales, el gobierno no tuvo presencia en gran parte del territorio nacional. Una tendencia contradictoria fue el fortalecimiento de las organizaciones no gubernamentales —incluso religiosas— durante la segunda mitad del siglo antepasado. En la práctica, aun después de la Reforma, México tuvo un sistema asistencial que mezclaba lo público y lo privado, lo religioso y lo secular.

Change and the novel have become privileged instances, images of obligation and of how things should be: schools must change and teachers must become instruments of transformation; rather than teach, they must guide learning processes. We understand that those faces of novelty ceaselessly express modes of confrontation and of struggle. In response to the hypotheses, increasingly fashionable in recent years, surrounding processes of deinstitutionalization and in direct relation to de-subjectivation, this work delves into how daily life at schools is enacted, shaped, affected from the perspective of governmentality studies. Through the notion of the pedagogical apparatuses, we evidence the heterogeneous, diffuse, contradictory, and overlapping ways that daily life operates in the government of population, that is, the experience of the State that involves both government processes as such (the direction of conduct) and ways to avoid being governed, that is, ways that we, as subjects, invent ourselves in the world. Thus, with Foucault, we can assert that things might have changed a little… the battles may not have the same face. Rather than deny institutions and declare their senselessness, we frame the question of pedagogy as a political question in relation to the new faces of current battles.

This article explores the difficulties I have experienced moving from Mexico City, the largest metropolitan area in Mexico, to a provincial capital in the center part of the country, the city of Aguascalientes. In order to do that, I present a short narrative of certain incidents that show how I have sorted out the journey in a search of developing a sense of belonging. This is an autoethnography exercise where I follow what Ellis (2004) calls narrative analysis, which "assumes that a good story itself is theoretical. . . . When people tell their stories, they employ analytic techniques to interpret their worlds" (pp. 195-196). I have also realized that, like Richardson and St. Pierre argue (2005), writing is a way of knowing because it was due to the introspection process I experienced as I was writing that I came to understand how much my story was mostly related to gender issues.

In 1779 the fort of Carmen de Patagones was founded in the South of the current province of Buenos Aires in response to the Borbons politics to ensure the territorial control of its colonial dominions. The purpose of the paper is to analyze the development of this town from its establishment to the Rosas government period, recognizing different stages. The first one makes reference to the process of occupation of the land through a particular relation with the native groups of the zone. In a second stage, the fort obtains a relative autonomy in the handling of its political and administrative matters. And in the third one, the government attempted with relative success- to limit this autonomy exerting a greater control on the life of the fort. ; En 1779, y respondiendo a la política borbónica de asegurar el control territorial de sus dominios coloniales, se fundó en el extremo sur de la actual provincia de Buenos Aires, el fuerte de Carmen de Patagones. El objetivo del trabajo es analizar el desarrollo de este poblado desde su asentamiento hasta el período rosista reconociendo distintas etapas. La primera hace referencia al proceso de ocupación de la tierra mediante una particular relación con los pueblos nativos de la zona. En un segundo momento el fuerte logra una relativa autonomía en el manejo de sus asuntos políticos y administrativos. Y, en una tercera etapa, el gobierno rosista intentó con cierto éxito limitar dicha autonomía ejerciendo un mayor control sobre la vida del fuerte.

The objective of this work is to analyze the changes that occurred within the tribes of "indios amigos" located on the Buenos Aires frontier, as a consequence of the close relationship with white society. In this regard, the following issues will be examined: a) the influence of the ration system allocated to the tribes; b) the function that internal processes of change fulfilled in relation to the power of the chief; c) the existence of the border, which frames the transformations operated in these indigenous groups. ; El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar los cambios que se produjeron al interior de las tribus amigas situadas en la frontera bonaerense, como consecuencia del contado estrecho con la sociedad blanca. Al respecto, se examinarán: a) la influencia que tuvo el sistema de raciones que percibían las tribus; b) la función que cumplieron procesos internos de cambio en relación al poder del cacique; c) la existencia de la frontera, que enmarca las transformaciones operadas en estos grupos indígenas.

In the late 60s, Gary Becker incorporated into his formal model of deterrence theory an explicit statement that the theory´s components—certainty and severity of punishment—are more or less influential than one another depending on an individual´s preference for risk. The certainty of punishment is more influential than the severity of punishment in the decision of whether or not to commit crime if an individual is risk acceptant; if a criminal is risk averse, then the severity of punishment is more important than the certainty of punishment. Many aggregate deterrence studies arrive at estimates that reveal varying effects of the certainty and severity components of deterrence theory, with the certainty of punishment carrying the greater, and many times the only, weight. Leaning on Becker´s extension of deterrence theory, empiricists assume that criminals have a preference for risk. Assertions that arrests and convictions are greater deterrent tools imply important worldly consequences because they indicate to governmental authorities where resources should be invested to insure the best deterrent payoff. In this paper, I question both the need to take risk into consideration in aggregate level deterrence studies and the empirical evidence that has been offered in support of attaching greater weight to the certainty of punishment. I show, first, that deterrence theory, from an applied policy standpoint, is encumbered through the explicit consideration of risk preferences. Next, I work through the algebra of the statistical formulations of deterrence models and demonstrate that the greater weight associated with certainty could well be an artifact of the model specification. Finally, I reanalyze data that appear to be consistent with the greater weight for certainty than severity argument and show that the evidence does not support that inference. Potential criminals mentally combine the three deterrence components—regardless of whether they are risk neutral, averse, or acceptant. I conclude by considering what ...