Suchergebnisse

1. "Follow the Networks" -- 2. Matters of Central American Integration (1960s–1990s) -- 3. The Founding Networks of Central America -- 4. An Internet for the Global South -- 5. A Central American Internet -- 6. Internet and Integration in the Era of Privatization -- 7. The Inconclusive Project of Technological Integration.

This article conceptualizes the emergence and stabilization of blogging as a process of articulation; that is, the establishment of a non-necessary link between a group of internet users, websites, metaphors, and practices of content creation. Data for this study come from a mixed-methods research design. Drawing on an interdisciplinary framework that combines constructionist sociology of technology, communication and media research, and cultural studies, this article analyzes three important dynamics of articulation that shaped the rise of blogging from 1997 to 1999: the constitution of patterns of similarity between certain websites; the adoption of the term 'weblog' to identify this group of websites and their associated metaphors and content creation practices; and the coalescence of their creators into a self-defined community of users. This case affords significant opportunities for thinking about the contemporary appropriation of blogs and the dynamics of stabilization and use of new media.

This article analyzes recent research on the newspaper crisis. It discusses how authors have examined the sources, manifestations, and implications of this crisis, and the proposals to resolve it. In addition, the essay critically examines this body of work by assessing the main spatial and temporal contexts that researchers have studied, the theories and methods that authors employ, and the analytical tropes they have deployed to make sense of the crisis. Building on this assessment of existing research, the article outlines an agenda for future work that fosters an analysis of the process, history, comparative development, and manifold implications of this crisis, and advances various empirical strategies to examine some of its most under-theorized dimensions.

Las redes sociales tuvieron un importante papel en la contienda electoral costarricense de 2018: fueron espacios para informarse, para participar de lo político y también fueron plataformas utilizadas por las personas candidatas presidenciales en sus estrategias de comunicación. Este artículo contribuye al análisis de la campaña electoral de 2018 al considerar una perspectiva hasta ahora ausente en la discusión sobre la comunicación y el papel de las redes sociales en el proceso electoral: las opiniones de las personas candidatas presidenciales sobre los temas que marcaron la elección. Se entrevistó a siete candidatos que hablaron del peso de las redes sociales en sus estrategias de campaña y del papel que todavía cumple la televisión; también valoraron lo que significó el uso de WhatsApp en la contienda, la manifestación de la ciudadanía a través de grupos multitudinarios en Facebook como fueron Coalición Costa Rica y Costa Rica Unida y la problemática de la desinformación y las noticias falsas. Este artículo pone en perspectiva estas opiniones a la luz de investigaciones académicas sobre la campaña electoral.

Social media played an important role in the 2018 Costa Rican electoral contest: they were spaces to get informed, to participate in politics, and they were also platforms used by presidential candidates in their communication strategies. This article contributes to the analysis of the 2018 electoral campaign by considering a perspective so far absent in the discussion about communication and the role of social media in the electoral process: the presidential candidates´ opinions on the issues that marked the election. Seven candidates were interviewed. They spoke about social media in their campaign strategies, the part that television still plays, and citizen participation in the process; They also assessed the significance of WhatsApp usage during the contest, citizens' participation through massive groups on Facebook such as Coalición Costa Rica and Costa Rica Unida, and the problem of misinformation and false news. This article situates these opiniones within research on the election campaign. ; Las redes sociales tuvieron un importante papel en la contienda electoral costarricense de 2018: fueron espacios para informarse, para participar de lo político y también fueron plataformas utilizadas por las personas candidatas presidenciales en sus estrategias de comunicación. Este artículo contribuye al análisis de la campaña electoral de 2018 al considerar una perspectiva hasta ahora ausente en la discusión sobre la comunicación y el papel de las redes sociales en el proceso electoral: las opiniones de las personas candidatas presidenciales sobre los temas que marcaron la elección. Se entrevistó a siete candidatos que hablaron del peso de las redes sociales en sus estrategias de campaña y del papel que todavía cumple la televisión; también valoraron lo que significó el uso de WhatsApp en la contienda, la manifestación de la ciudadanía a través de grupos multitudinarios en Facebook como fueron Coalición Costa Rica y Costa Rica Unida y la problemática de la desinformación y las noticias falsas. Este artículo pone en perspectiva estas opiniones a la luz de investigaciones académicas sobre la campaña electoral.

Este estudio examina predictores cognitivos, ideológicos y sociodemográficos de la detección e intención de compartir desinformación sobre el COVID-19 vía WhatsApp. Mediante una encuesta en línea, una muestra convencional de 553 adultos costarricenses fue expuestos a contenidos desinformativos sobre vacunas y la respuesta estatal a la pandemia. Los resultados muestran que las personas que apoyan ideologías autoritarias, conservadora y pro-Estado, y personas con bajo pensamiento reflexivo, fueron más proclives a aceptar y compartir desinformación. Además, entre personas con bajo pensamiento reflexivo, aquellas con mayor edad mostraron una mayor detección de desinformación. Finalmente, las personas muy religiosas y conservadores jóvenes con menor nivel educativo, mostraron mayor intención de compartir desinformación.

This article analyzes algorithm awareness as a process—a series of activities intended to reach a goal over time. It examines how a group of Costa Ricans understood, felt about, and related to TikTok and its algorithms as they began using the app for the first time. Data come from diary entries completed by 43 participants about their use of TikTok over a month and seven focus groups with these diarists. The article discusses five activities through which users expressed developing forms of awareness of TikToks' algorithms and enacted various rhythms in the experience of the app: managing expectations about what TikTok is and how it works; "training" the app; experiencing a sense of algorithmic personalization; dealing with oscillations in the pertinence of recommendations; and showing various forms of rejection of TikTok. The article then considers some implications of bringing time to the fore in the study of algorithm awareness.

This paper analyzes how presidential candidates Fabricio Alvarado and Nayib Bukele used Facebook during the elections in Costa Rica (2018) and El Salvador (2019) respectively to develop a particular style of communication that blended populist elements and religious discourse. This style of communication extended traditional modes of populism that have prevailed in Latin America since the turn of the century (emphasizing the notion of the hero who comes to rescue "the people") but expressed them in an explicitly religious way (stressing the role of a "messiah" who comes to alter the established political order). We conducted both content and multimodal discourse analyses of 838 posts made by these candidates on Facebook during their respective electoral campaigns. We argue that the study of these campaigns would be incomplete without accounting for the relationship between populism, religion, and social media. While populism gave political validity to religious discourse, a religious imaginary provided populism with charismatic and messianic authority. This populist/religious reason found an ideal expression in Facebook and, simultaneously, was resignified by this platform's affordances. In this way, we assess how fundamentalist Christianity has become a legitimating force of knowledge and politics in the context of epistemic tensions that shape contemporary Latin-American societies.