Suchergebnisse

AbstractResearch collaborations between global north and south have a long history in studies of forced migration, and discussions of power relations in such research relationships have existed for a long time. We are two researchers working across the global south–north divide, and this article reflects on our attempt to navigate the research industry amid the 'Syrian refugee research complex'. We discuss our attempt to carve out a space for more equitable research collaborations across the north–south divide and between partners. We unpack the existing power dynamics and the systems attached to them, e.g. institutional constraints, funding regulations, budget restrictions, and residues of post-colonial power dynamics. We then reflect on how these dynamics help to maintain the north's hegemony in the research and knowledge production cycle. We argue that collaborative research can gain from a reflective practice that focuses on the relational aspects involved in research. This can be achieved through a 'friendship approach' rather than 'tick-the-box guidelines'.

This study investigates the psychosocial conditions of Syrian refugees and vulnerable Lebanese children in Lebanese public schools. A survey was conducted with Syrian and Lebanese children and their parents. Interviews with public school staff were also carried out. The study found that poverty and war play equal roles in affecting children's emotional well-being as Syrian and Lebanese children manifest similar levels of anxiety and hyperactivity. While the past presents significant stressors, present and future stressors were also identified amongst refugees. This article critiques the prime emphasis of psychosocial intervention paradigms on past trauma, which risks overlooking present and future stressors. It argues that the psychosocial conditions of refugees are interpreted in isolation from refugees' poverty, subordinated social status, and the local injustices to which they are subject. ; Cette étude examine les conditions psychosociales des enfants réfugiés syriens et des enfants libanais vulnérables dans les écoles publiques libanaises. Un sondage a été réalisé auprès d'enfants syriens et libanais et de leurs parents. Des entrevues avec le personnel scolaire ont aussi été effectuées. L'étude démontre que la pauvreté et la guerre affectent de manière égale le bien-être émotionnel des enfants, les enfants syriens et libanais manifestant des niveaux similaires d'anxiété et d'hyperactivité. Alors que le passé comporte des facteurs de stress significatifs, des facteurs de stress présents et futurs ont aussi été identifiés chez les réfugiés. Cet article critique les paradigmes d'intervention psychosociale qui mettent l'accent sur les traumatismes passés, au risque de négliger les facteurs de stress présents et futurs. L'article soutient que les conditions psychosociales des réfugiés sont interprétées indépendamment de leur pauvreté, de leur statut social subordonné et des injustices locales dont ils font l'objet.

The article unpacks and analyzes the potentials and shortcomings of a humanitarian framework for educational response during protracted displacement. Humanitarianism is concerned with the immediate, while education is future oriented. Calls to shift the humanitarian discourse from relief and survival to development have contributed to include education as part of the humanitarian response. The article analyzes potentials and limitations in Lebanon's education provision and policies for Syrian refugees. We discuss the impact and implications of the humanitarian response and reflect on what principles should be formulated for provision of a socially just, inclusive, and more developmental education for refugees in protracted displacement. ; Cet article décortique et analyse les lacunes potentielles d'un cadre humanitaire pour les réponses éducatives au déplacement prolongé. L'humanitarisme se préoccupe de l'immédiat alors que l'éducation est une activité orientée vers l'avenir. Les appels à faire passer l'accent du discours humanitaire du secours et de la survie au développement ont contribué à l'inclusion de l'éducation dans l'intervention humanitaire. Cet article analyse le potentiel et les limites de l'offre et des politiques éducatives pour les réfugiés syriens au Liban. Nous discutons de l'effet et des ramifications de la réponse humanitaire et réfléchissons aux principes qui devraient être formulés pour une offre éducative socialement juste, inclusive et davantage axée sur le développement pour les réfugiés en situation de déplacement prolongé.

Citizenship education (CE) has been largely an a-political endeavour reduced to learning primarily about laws and values. Learners were on the receiving end of knowledge but have not been prompted to engage in enacting citizenship beyond some charitable and community activities and more recently environmental ones. However, with the revolutions and mass social and political movements that shock various regions around the world since 2019, there is a need more than ever to reimagine political CE and to rethink with young people the definition and practice of citizenship beyond just reciting some tokenistic values. This Special Issue aims to position CE within this fast-changing and highly politicized environment where youth are playing a major role in ongoing mobilizations. It initiates a critical conversation between the different manifestations and facets of mass social movements led by youth and CE. It also seeks to re-envision the meanings and conceptualizations of CE, inspired by the radical changes happening globally in reclaimed and imagined spaces by young people, as well as the impact of CE on political engagement beyond the traditional confines of nation states and institutions. Our aim is also to understand how youth perceive, formulate and practice active citizenship, and what kind of education young people seek to realize through their mobilization. We seek to understand how young people express notions of citizenship in different modalities of expression, such as art, theatre, music, dance, reclaiming of public spaces, social media, etc.

The discipline of history has been largely dominated by men who were shaping the narratives. This gender inequality has been also reflected in history education, particularly in national history textbooks. Attempts to reinstate women in the field of history have emerged with the feminist movement particularly in 1960s to date. In this study we examine women in Lebanese history textbooks. Whilst Lebanon has not been able to develop a new history curriculum since 1960s, there are currently a few series of textbooks published by different private publishers. Through a content analysis of two of the main textbook series, the study found that women were almost fully absent except for a few minor appearances that often appeared in passing and a few images. Their presence was often related to their relationship with men (wife, mother) who were deemed to be of historical significance. Women were also excluded from authoring the textbooks. More remarkably there were only a few studies examining gender in Lebanese textbooks. Addressing this long history of marginalization of women in the Lebanese curriculum and textbooks, including in history, requires efforts on various levels of the Ministry of Education, including the representation of women in history education curriculum committees, a feminist perspective on history and a study of women in history. Finally, historians as well as higher education institutes have a major responsibility in deconstructing the gender gap and bias in history education.

This paper investigates the determinants of refugee students' social integration in Lebanon, Turkey, and Australia. This paper seeks to understand how legal status and the corresponding length of refugee asylum shape refugee children's social integration. The three host countries offer refugees different legal statuses ranging from short-term in Lebanon, medium-term in Turkey, and long-term in Australia. Therefore, our data collection covers a sample of 1298 middle school refugee students from all three countries. Our probit regression analysis sheds light on the importance of micro-level factors related to individual and household characteristics and meso-level factors related to school factors shaping refugee students' social integration. The statistical dominance of meso-level factors indicates that the within-country differences are stronger than the between-country differences, yet it does not rule out the importance of macro policies that indirectly influence refugee students' social integration by shaping provisions at the micro and meso levels.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY VULNER project This research report has been published as part of the EU Horizon 2020 VULNER research project (www.vulner.eu). Our project arose from the finding that the requirement to address migrants' multiple and various vulnerabilities is flooding the policy discourse on asylum and migration at the EU and global levels (as illustrated by the UN Global Compact for Migration and its objective 8 to 'reduce vulnerabilities' in migration, and the current focus at the EU level on the establishment of vulnerability assessment mechanisms as part of asylum and border procedures as well as in resettlement programmes). This research report presents some of the intermediate research results of the VULNER project, based on the first phase of the project, which consisted of mapping out the vulnerability assessment mechanisms developed by state authorities in Lebanon, including how they are implemented on the ground through the practices of the public servants in charge. In addition, the report examined the vulnerability assessment mechanism employed by international organizations in Lebanon, whether the United Nations agencies or other international and national non-governmental organizations. The following research questions are addressed: What do the relevant domestic legislation, case-law, policy documents, and administrative guidelines reveal about how "vulnerabilities" are being assessed and addressed in the countries under study? Do the relevant state and/or aid agencies have a legal duty to assess migrants' vulnerabilities, and if yes, using which procedures, when and how? Following which legal and bureaucratic criteria? How do decision-makers (street-level bureaucrats) understand and perceive the 'vulnerabilities' of the migrants they meet on a daily basis? How do they address these 'vulnerabilities' through their everyday practices? What is their stance on existing legal requirements towards'vulnerable' migrants? Which loopholes do they identify? To that end, the Lebanese report seeks to ...

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY VULNER project This research report has been published as part of the EU Horizon 2020 VULNER research project (www.vulner.eu). Our project arose from the finding that the requirement to address refugees' multiple and various vulnerabilities is flooding the policy discourse on asylum and migration at the EU and global levels (as illustrated by the UN Global Compact for Migration and its objective 7 to 'reduce vulnerabilities' in migration, and the current focus at the EU level on the establishment of vulnerability assessment mechanisms as part of asylum and border procedures as well as in resettlement programmes). Yet, if not based on scientific data and analyses that provide a clear and non-stereotyped understanding of the vulnerabilities that are lived and experienced by migrants and refugees, such a policy objective runs the risk of failing to address vulnerabilities, exacerbating existing vulnerabilities or even producing new ones. The overall objective of the VULNER project is to produce such scientific knowledge in ways that will assist states in identifying suitable strategies to assess the 'vulnerabilities' of refugees, to address their specific needs and to prevent stereotyped understandings of their lived experiences. The VULNER project also seeks to develop a broader, more thorough and more critical reflection on the increasing use of 'vulnerability' as a legal and policy standard that guides the development and the implementation of asylum policies, including how it relates to border control considerations inherent in such policies. This research report presents some of the intermediate research results of the VULNER project, based on the first phase of the project, which consisted of mapping out the vulnerability assessment mechanisms developed by state authorities in Lebanon, including how they are implemented on the ground through the practices of the public servants in charge. In addition, the report examined the refugees' vulnerability assessment mechanism employed by ...

Beydoun, Ahmad: Movements of the past and deadlocks of the present. - S. 3-19 Choueiri, Youssef M.: Explaining civil wars in Lebanon. - S. 21-46 Mattar, Mohammad F.: Is Lebanese confessionalism to blame? - S. 47-66 Chrabieh, Pamela: Breaking the vicious circle! Contributions of the 25-35 Lebanese age group. - S. 69-88 Asseily, Alexandra: Breaking the cycle of violence in Lebanon. - S. 89-119 Haugbolle, Sune: Memory as representation and memory as idiom. - S. 121-133 Johnson, Michael: Managing political change in Lebanon: challenges and prospects. - S. 137-165 Shuayb, Maha: Education: a means for the cohesion of the Lebanese confessional society. - S. 167-195 Farha, Mark: From Beirut spring to regional winter? - S. 197-235 Kerr, Michael: The philosophy of Lebanese power-sharing. - S. 237-254 Shebaya, Halim: Intifada 2005: a look backwards and a look forward. - S. 255-283 Jaafar, Rudy: Democratic system reform in Lebanon: an electoral approach. - S. 285-305 Salam, Nawaf: Ta'if's dysfunctions and the need for constitutional reform. - S. 307-323