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South Africa's local government administration is complex in that both traditional leadership and elected municipal councils play a role in it. Traditional leadership occupies an essential position and status in local government administration, in particular in rural South Africa. However, the contemporary administrative jurisdiction of municipalities cuts across both rural and urban areas. In the rural areas, the conflict over the division of roles between traditional leaders and elected councillors is evident. Due to the influence and dominance of the neo-liberal global order, modernists often accuse traditional leadership of being undemocratic and authoritarian. However, the reality is that elected councils' administration also leaves much to be desired, and the consequences of their poor administration are not uniformly understood. Since South Africa is a democratic state, it is expected that there should be a clear separation in government institutions between party (i.e., the ruling African National Congress) politics and public administration; a phenomenon that some describe as depoliticisation. Nevertheless, the realities on the ground suggest otherwise. This article, which is based on the theory of Afrocentricity, examines a selected rural municipality (Maruleng) in South Africa's Limpopo province to critically reflect on the ethics and the value system of African culture in the context of local governance vis-à-vis Westernised governance principles. The aim of this research is achieved through interdisciplinary critical discourse and thematic analysis in its broadest form.

On the basis of the Afrocentric perspective, this article uses South Africa as a test case to critique Mokoko Piet Sebola's piece titled "Peer review, scholarship and editors of scientific publications: the death of scientific knowledge in Africa," which appeared in Koers ‐ Bulletin for Christian Scholarship, Volume 83 (1): 1–13. I argue that Sebola's piece provides a partial guide to understanding the state of the knowledge industry in Africa, particularly in South Africa. Safe to say that Sebola's work deepens scholarly and public discourse on the politics of scholarship in Africa and the world at large. However, I do not intend to blatantly praise Sebola's contribution to this academic area, which remains under researched due to the reasons that are beyond the scope of this article. In particular, the current article aspires to identify scholarly weaknesses in Sebola's work with a view to correcting them by offering an alternative view. This correction deserves the attention of all scholars and practitioners especially because it is interdisciplinary in nature, and it is poised to undo the misinformation disseminated in Sebola's piece. Such misinformation has a potential to overshadow the few truths advanced in his article. Methodologically, this article is based on document review, conversations, and interdisciplinary discourse analysis in its broadest form.

This Afrocentric article uses the Maruleng sub-district of Limpopo province as a test case to analyse and critique the intersection(s) between constitutional institutions of authority and traditional mechanisms of governance in South Africa. Methodologically, the author has relied heavily on critical discourse approach and conversations in their broadest form. The article's main argument is that the co-existence of traditional leadership and municipal councils is inherently problematic. At the centre of the problematic nature of the co-existence of traditional leadership and municipal councils lie the discontinuities of the cultural values and practices of the Black communities in Maruleng sub-district. It is concluded that there is an urgent need for the desk of traditional leadership within the local Maruleng Municipality. It is also necessary to craft a space for municipal representation in the council of traditional authority. This desk and municipal representation in each other's affairs would be instrumental in un-tangling the competition for leadership space and other challenges within and/or between the various traditional authorities and the local municipal council.

A wide body of scholarship has been developed on the Darfur crisis in Western Sudan which started in February 2003. Such scholarship includes various academic works by scholars such as Apiah Mensah (2005, 2006), Deng (2007), Howell (1974), Mohamed (2007), Rankhumise (2006). Among other issues identified by these scholars and conflict resolution practitioners, was the need to establish a nexus between human security and development as a key in conceiving an understanding of human peace and security. The conflict in Darfur and its impact on human security and development also caught the attention of regional and international organisations, including the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN). It is on this basis that this article seeks to employ an Africentric perspective (also read as Afrocentricity) for the purpose of analysing the place of women during the Darfur peacebuilding process with a focus on the underlying factors that led to the marginalisation of women. Methodologically, this article is heavily dependent on conversations and interdisciplinary critical discourse analysis in its broadest form. Contrary to the official narrative, this article contests the notion that in the post genocide era in Darfur authentic women voices have found expression in peace building. The argument established in this article is that existing domestic and international legal instruments have given a false sense in terms of women inclusion in the post genocide political life of Darfur. Opsomming 'n Omvattende literatuurkorpus is ontwikkel ten opsigte van die Darfoer krisis in Wes Soedan, wat in Februarie 2003 begin het. Hierdie korpus sluit verskeie akademiese werke in, deur vakkundiges soos Apiah Mensah (2005, 2006), Deng (2007), Howell (1974), Mohamed (2007), en Rankhumise (2006). Die kwessies wat deur hierdie akademici en konflikoplossingspraktisyns geidentifiseer is, sluit onder meer die behoefte in om 'n verband tussen menslike sekuriteit en ontwikkeling te bewerkstellig, as 'n sleutelelement in begripsvorming ...

Dubbed as the beginning of the "new dawn," the year 2018 has served as a watershed moment in terms of South Africa's domestic and international affairs. The basis for this narrative is the fact that in February 2018, Cyril Ramaphosa succeeded Jacob Zuma as the President of South Africa. Among others, this change of guard in South Africa's presidency has ushered an emerging narrative about South Africa's future engagement with Russia in the context of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) grouping. Unlike former President Zuma who was seemingly inclined towards the East, President Ramaphosa has been linked by observers to the West. It is on this basis that, this paper attempts to address the following central question: Does the Ramaphosa presidency represent a catalyst for change or continuity in terms of South Africa engagement with Russia in the context of BRICS? As a way of departing from the dominant tradition in International Relations of either locating studies of this nature within the realist or liberal perspective, the authors of this paper proposes a holistic approach which is based on the theory of Afrocentricity (also read as a Diopan perspective) and interdisciplinary critical discourse analysis in its broadest form. In this context, this paper establishes an argument that it is not "business as usual" insofar as South Africa's present engagement with Russia is concerned.

Russia's engagement with African governments has been a subject of debate amongst scholars of International Public Affairs and other cognate academic disciplines since the demise of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s and early 1990s. This is a result of different approaches in Russia's engagement with African governments since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. To this end, Russia's engagement with African states is multi‐dimensional, ranging from political, economic (mining and energy sectors) and security factors. In order to locate the key drivers of Russia's Africa Policy towards an individual state, this qualitative study provided an Afrocentric review to assess the post‐Cold War Russia's Africa policy paying special reference to Russia–South Africa relations. Afrocentricity is the theoretical paradigm employed to review the nature of Russia's Africa Policy towards South Africa. The authors rely methodologically on document review methods.

China's entrance in Africa in the early 2000s through the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation has apparently signalled several mutual beneficial agreements. However, there is a view that the Asian tiger's (China) arrival on the African soil was driven by its national interests. Such interests were particularly in the continent's rich mineral resources complex, which are deemed significant for its own economic boom. This observation reflects that scholars and practitioners alike have not uniformly understood China's engagement with Africa. Therefore, this paper problematizes what is often cited as the second "scramble for Africa" within the context of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It argues that Chinese mining companies' operations in DRC are no different to the early colonial masters who only came to Africa for nothing else but mineral resources in order to develop their own nations at the peril of Africa's own development. Based on Afrocentricity as the alternative theoretical lens, this paper seeks to critique the involvement of Chinese Multinational Corporations in the mineral resources complex of DRC. Methodically, this paper relies on document review and analysis in its broadest sense.

Awareness of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW 1979) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC 1989) is relatively high within academic and political circles in South Africa and elsewhere around the world. In South Africa, this can be ascribed mainly to the powerful women's lobby movements represented in government and academic sectors. Women and children's issues have been especially highlighted in South Africa over the last few years. In this process, the aforementioned two international human rights instruments have proved very useful. There is a gender desk in each national department. The Office on the Status of Women and the Office on Child Rights have been established within the Office of the President, indicating the importance attached to these institutions. These offices are responsible for co-ordinating governmental efforts towards the promotion and protection of women and children's rights respectively, including the two relevant treaties. Furthermore, there is also a great awareness amongst non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in respect of CEDAW and CRC. This can be ascribed mainly to the fact that there is a very strong women's NGO lobby and NGOs are actively committed to the promotion of children's rights. Women are increasingly vocal and active within the politics of South Africa, but the weight of customary practices remains heavy. The foregoing is evident of the widening gap between policy theory and practice in the fraternity of vulnerable groups – children and women in particular.

Based on the Afrocentric perspective, the central thesis of this paper is that if the African National Congress (ANC) is to evade the wrath of coalition politics in the near future (year 2019); it needs more than its traditional support base and appeals for liberation rhetoric. Like other liberation movements cum ruling political parties in Southern Africa, indications are that ANC cannot save itself from the brutality of competitive politics and electoral democracy. While the ANC is based in South Africa, it remains the political heritage of all Africans, and as such, it can only survive further degeneration through the collective efforts of pan‐Africanists in the country and across the corners of the continent. The fact that President Jacob Zuma led ANC did not have a safe liberalised space for counsel by non‐active members has rendered any possible renewal through the support of all Africans a pipe dream. Although the renewal of the ANC may be necessary for the sake of preserving liberation heritage in South Africa and Africa at large, it is concluded that the weakening of dominant political parties such as the ANC is a necessary ingredient for healthy and functioning democracies.

To conceive the notion of corruption presupposes the existence of corrupt individuals, groups or organisations. The existence of corrupt individuals, groups or organisations you might say presupposes the presence of an entity. Every entity (i.e. state or corporate) has laid down procedures, processes and methods of doings and functioning. When these procedures and processes are negated, one could be accused of subversion. Subversion is an element in the definition of administrative corruption and is the unwillingness to follow stipulated plans of actions. An action that negates procedures falls under corrupt practice. This article will answer the following research questions: How has corruption been framed and perceived and what are the underlining consequences in Africa? In what ways, if any, has the prevailing perception of corruption undermined and understated the notion of corruption in Africa? In what ways can a remedial be conceived in the fight to make Africa free of corruption? And finally: How can Kleptoafronia be conceived as a panacea for corruption in the continent? This article uses themes and narrative analysis in the qualitative realm to provide answers to the research questions. Over 500 scholarly materials were read and scanned from journal articles, Internet sources, textbooks and several academic indexes to provide evidence for the arguments in this article from five disciplinary standpoints: political science, public administration, criminology, psychology and medical sciences. This article is a conceptual article that tends to demonstrate that corruption in Africa is a psych-administrative disorder termed – Kleptoafronia.

To conceive the notion of corruption presupposes the existence of corrupt individuals, groups or organisations. The existence of corrupt individuals, groups or organisations you might say presupposes the presence of an entity. Every entity (i.e. state or corporate) has laid down procedures, processes and methods of doings and functioning. When these procedures and processes are negated, one could be accused of subversion. Subversion is an element in the definition of administrative corruption and is the unwillingness to follow stipulated plans of actions. An action that negates procedures falls under corrupt practice. This article will answer the following research questions: How has corruption been framed and perceived and what are the underlining consequences in Africa? In what ways, if any, has the prevailing perception of corruption undermined and understated the notion of corruption in Africa? In what ways can a remedial be conceived in the fight to make Africa free of corruption? And finally: How can Kleptoafronia be conceived as a panacea for corruption in the continent? This article uses themes and narrative analysis in the qualitative realm to provide answers to the research questions. Over 500 scholarly materials were read and scanned from journal articles, Internet sources, textbooks and several academic indexes to provide evidence for the arguments in this article from five disciplinary standpoints: political science, public administration, criminology, psychology and medical sciences. This article is a conceptual article that tends to demonstrate that corruption in Africa is a psych-administrative disorder termed – Kleptoafronia. ; https://td-sa.net/index.php/td ; am2018 ; School of Public Management and Administration (SPMA)

To conceive the notion of corruption presupposes the existence of corrupt individuals, groups or organisations. The existence of corrupt individuals, groups or organisations you might say presupposes the presence of an entity. Every entity (i.e. state or corporate) has laid down procedures, processes and methods of doings and functioning. When these procedures and processes are negated, one could be accused of subversion. Subversion is an element in the definition of administrative corruption and is the unwillingness to follow stipulated plans of actions. An action that negates procedures falls under corrupt practice. This article will answer the following research questions: How has corruption been framed and perceived and what are the underlining consequences in Africa? In what ways, if any, has the prevailing perception of corruption undermined and understated the notion of corruption in Africa? In what ways can a remedial be conceived in the fight to make Africa free of corruption? And finally: How can Kleptoafronia be conceived as a panacea for corruption in the continent? This article uses themes and narrative analysis in the qualitative realm to provide answers to the research questions. Over 500 scholarly materials were read and scanned from journal articles, Internet sources, textbooks and several academic indexes to provide evidence for the arguments in this article from five disciplinary standpoints: political science, public administration, criminology, psychology and medical sciences. This article is a conceptual article that tends to demonstrate that corruption in Africa is a psych-administrative disorder termed – Kleptoafronia. ; https://doi.org/10.4102/td.v14i1.465