The Statebuilder's Dilemma: On the Limits of Foreign Intervention. By David A. Lake. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2016. 288p. $89.95 cloth, $24.95 paper
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 15, Heft 4, S. 1201-1202
ISSN: 1541-0986
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In: Perspectives on politics, Band 15, Heft 4, S. 1201-1202
ISSN: 1541-0986
In: Small wars & insurgencies, Band 28, Heft 4-5, S. 817-838
ISSN: 1743-9558
In: European journal of international relations, Band 20, Heft 3, S. 571-595
ISSN: 1354-0661
World Affairs Online
In: International security, Band 39, Heft 2, S. 92-131
ISSN: 0162-2889
World Affairs Online
In: European Journal of International Relations, May 30, 2013, DOI: 10.1177/1354066113476118
SSRN
Working paper
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 10, Heft 4, S. 1131-1133
ISSN: 1541-0986
In: Perspectives on politics: a political science public sphere, Band 10, Heft 4, S. 1131-1133
ISSN: 1537-5927
In: Journal of political & military sociology, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 257-259
ISSN: 0047-2697
April and May witnessed intensified diplomatic activity around the conflict in Darfur. This culminated in the US government's announcement of new sanctions on the government of Sudan and a push at the Security Council for targeted sanctions and expansion of the existing arms embargo. The measures are intended to coerce the Sudanese government's acceptance of a 23,000-strong African Union and United Nations peacekeeping force for Darfur. But in the absence of a viable peace process there are serious limitations to what the force could achieve. Indeed, the recent focus on intervention in Darfur obscures the larger issues at stake. Foremost among these is the North-South peace process and its centrepiece, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). There is real risk that the CPA could collapse, and along with it, the best chance for a durable settlement to Sudan's wars.(SWP Comments / SWP)
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In: International peacekeeping, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 99-117
ISSN: 1353-3312
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of peace research, Band 53, Heft 1, S. 3-18
ISSN: 0022-3433
World Affairs Online
In: Nationalities papers: the journal of nationalism and ethnicity, Band 41, Heft 4, S. 675-683
ISSN: 1465-3923
In: Nationalities papers: the journal of nationalism and ethnicity, Band 41, Heft 4, S. 675-683
ISSN: 0090-5992
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 56, Heft 1, S. 67-93
ISSN: 1552-8766
While theoretical models of conflict often treat actors as unitary, most self-determination groups are fragmented into a number of competing internal factions. This article presents a framework for understanding the "dual contests" that self-determination groups engage in—the first with their host state and the second between co-ethnic factions within groups. Using a new data set of the number of factions within a sample of self-determination groups from 1960 to 2008, the authors find that competition between co-ethnic factions is a key determinant of their conflict behavior. More competing factions are associated with higher instances of violence against the state as well as more factional fighting and attacks on co-ethnic civilians. More factions using violence increases the chances that other factions will do so, and the entry of a new faction prompts violence from existing factions in a within-group contest for political relevance. These findings have implications for both theory and policy.
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 265-283
ISSN: 1541-0986
How do we conceptualize the fragmentation of internally divided movements? And how does variation in fragmentation affect the probability and patterns of infighting? The internal politics of non-state groups have received increasing attention, with recent research demonstrating the importance of cohesion and fragmentation for understanding conflict dynamics. Yet there is little consensus on how to conceptualize fragmentation, the concept at the center of this agenda, with authors using different definitions and measures. In this paper we conceptualize fragmentation along three constitutive dimensions: the number of organizations in the movement; the degree of institutionalization across these organizations; and the distribution of power among them. We then show how variation across these dimensions can explain variation in important conflict processes, focusing on infighting.