Suchergebnisse

This study advocates for a review of Nigeria's foreign policy from its afro-centric posture in response to the recent xenophobic attacks in South Africa. The xenophobic attacks in South Africa have drawn the focus of state and non-state actors in the international system. Among other nationals, the attacks in South Africa have been against Nigerians. A total of 121 Nigerians have been killed since February 2016. Nigeria's response to these attacks have been conservative and more declaratory than retaliatory, casting her as a weak country in the realm of international politics. This study makes use of secondary data from academic journals, books and newspapers. The study also adopts political realism as its theoretical framework. This study takes the position that Nigeria's foreign policy should be reviewed from her afrocentric posture, to gaurantee the protection of her interests specifically the lives of her citizens in diaspora.

When Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was formed, the problem confronting Africa continent then was colonialism. It is therefore not a surprise that its major preoccupation was how to liberate countries within the continent that were still under the grip of colonialism. However, the surge of conflicts in various African countries shortly after independence, manifesting in form of ethnicity, religious, struggle for political power among others, coupled with OAU policy of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of member states, combined to turn African continent to the bedlam of the world. The failure of OAU led to the formation of the African Unity (AU) to correct some of these ills. This article examines AU's achievements in the realm of peace and security using secondary sources of data gathering. Since AU came on board, how far has it fared in promoting peace and security in the continent? Findings reveal that although AU has achieved much in the realm of peace and security in Africa, yet it lacks the needed human resources and institutional capacity to conduct effective peace operations and peace-making initiatives. The study therefore suggested among others the need to strengthen AU's institutional capacity and more personnel should be donated by members countries

The domino effect of the Arab Spring in Syria which began as a reaction against the regime of Basher Assad over the years has deteriorated into a civil war. The paper investigates the diplomatic dimensions of the Syrian conflict and pays attention to the conflict of interests amongst the major powers most especially the United States and Russia. It contends that the competitive display of power by the United States and Russia rekindled memories of the Cold War and seriously limited the possibilities of effective intervention in the Syrian war by the international community. Furthermore, the paper also seeks to explore the diverse implications of the Syrian war for international and regional politics which included the possibility of a "multipolarization" of the world as against a unipolar world dominated by the United States, alarming proliferation of arms and the threat of terrorism, gross infringement of human rights and the failure of diplomacy in the presence of cross-cutting domestic and foreign interests of the powers involved.

Corruption is one of the major problems contending with the Nigerian socio-political and economic development. Unfortunately, this social ill seems to have defied all remedial measures put in place to curb its expansion. Anchored on elite theory, with heavy reliance on empirical and secondary data, the study examined the Nigerian House of Representative and corruption with a particular focus on 1999-2011. The study found that, constitutionally, the House of Representatives as one of the legislative chambers at the federal level of the Nigerian Government has the mandate to legislate for good governance which includes curbing corruption. However, activities of this chamber over the years revealed that it is indeed an accomplice as far as corrupt practices is concerned in Nigeria. The study, therefore, recommended the need for stiffer punishment for all corrupt public officers among others. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n2p561

Since independence on October 1, 1960, Nigeria has been a victim, at one time or the other, of intra-ethnic, inter-ethnic, religious, and communal conflicts which have undermined the human security of her citizens. Nigeria's corporate existence had also been threatened by 3 years (1967–1970) civil war which impacted negatively on the well-being of its people. In addition, the inability of the Nigerian Police to cope with the magnitude of the surge of violence in recent years has brought about the idea of involving the military, a core component of traditional security apparatus to deal with internal insecurity. This article is anchored on human security paradigm with reliance on secondary data to analyze the operations of the Nigerian Military in counterviolence campaigns between 1999 and 2017. This article points out that the involvement of the military in internal security has worsened the problem of insecurity due to the military's unprofessional approach and, at times, deliberate targeting the civilian populace which it is supposed to protect. It, therefore, recommends among others, the need for the Federal Government of Nigeria to urgently review the role of the armed forces in addressing internal security situations in a way that will bring about respect for the rule of engagement in internal security operations and adherence to global best practices.

Since independence on October 1, 1960, Nigeria has been a victim, at one time or the other, of intra-ethnic, inter-ethnic, religious, and communal conflicts which have undermined the human security of her citizens. Nigeria's corporate existence had also been threatened by 3 years (1967–1970) civil war which impacted negatively on the well-being of its people. In addition, the inability of the Nigerian Police to cope with the magnitude of the surge of violence in recent years has brought about the idea of involving the military, a core component of traditional security apparatus to deal with internal insecurity. This article is anchored on human security paradigm with reliance on secondary data to analyze the operations of the Nigerian Military in counterviolence campaigns between 1999 and 2017. This article points out that the involvement of the military in internal security has worsened the problem of insecurity due to the military's unprofessional approach and, at times, deliberate targeting the civilian populace which it is supposed to protect. It, therefore, recommends among others, the need for the Federal Government of Nigeria to urgently review the role of the armed forces in addressing internal security situations in a way that will bring about respect for the rule of engagement in internal security operations and adherence to global best practices.

The world is currently faced with the problem of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs). Africa and Middle East has the highest figure of IDPs. Nigeria tops the list of countries with largest population of IDPs in Africa. The Boko Haram insurgency has made Nigeria one of the flash points of high concentration of IDPs. Anchored on forced /involuntary migration theory, using primary and secondary data gathering techniques, the study examines insurgency and conditions of IDPs camps in Nigeria, focusing on NYSC camp in Girei Local Government, Adamawa State. The study finds that the condition in NYSC IDP camp is deplorable as IDPs lack access to basic essentials of life. The study recommends among others the need for the government to be more committed to the welfare of IDPs and also curb corruption of government officials in the camp as this has worsen the already deplorable condition of IDPs.

Development of any society is meant to enhance the living standard of citizens. However, where there are challenges of accountability, development is more likely to be a mirage. Past studies in Nigeria on the challenges of leadership and sustainable development identified corruption and lack of required skills on the part of public officials to perform in terms of proper policy formulation and implementation among others. The main goal of this article is to explore the relationship between accountability for the sustainable development and the challenges of leadership in Nigeria. With the analysis of data obtained from secondary sources, this present study identified lack of accountability for sustainable development to include the challenges leadership, unethical behavior, poor maintenance culture, poor management of resources, corruption on the part of public officials, and inadequate funds to execute projects in Nigeria. This article therefore recommends, among others, the need for government to adopt a more practical approach to the promotion of accountability, a determined fight against corruption and unethical behavior, proper management of resources, and devotion of more funds to the execution of capital projects that could positively affect the lives of the people for improved standard of living.

The year 2013 marked the emergence of the use of women and girls as hostages by the most dreaded Boko Haram terrorist group in Nigeria. The successful abduction of about 300 girls from the Government Girls Secondary School, Chibok-Borno State, Nigeria, in the dead of the night boosted the effrontery of the sect to undertake more abduction of hundreds of girls and women even in broad day light in North-Eastern Nigeria. The abduction of the Chibok girls generated both national and international concerns and raised the recognition of the group"s ruthlessness against women. Various attempts to rescue the Chibok girls by the Nigerian government, humanitarian agencies and the international community failed. Using qualitative descriptive analysis, the paper avows that the controversial release of 21 Chibok girls without battle conditions or reports leaves a lot to speculation. This event represents a symbolism of Boko Haram"s ability to hold the Nigerian government to ransom at its own terms. It submits that the gradual release of the girls and the sect"s proposal for the negotiation of 83 more girls raises questions on the terms of the negotiations leading to the release as well as queries the strength of Nigeria"s anti-terrorism war. The paper recommends that because the release of the 21 hostages may not be the ultimate goal of Boko Haram, the Nigerian state should consciously negotiate on well calculated intelligence and use experts in future negotiation with terror groups in order to construct outcomes that is better than the status quo.

It is incontrovertible that mono-causal analysis of conflict is no longer tenable, as conflict is caused by a confluence of factors. Over the years, intra-ethnic conflict in Ebiraland has attracted scholarly works. However, amid the myriad of variables accentuating conflict in Ebiraland, clan politics seems to be dominant but the intensity of the conflict has reduced since Governor Yahaya Bello's administration in Kogi state in 2015. Hence the relative peace in an area hitherto embroiled with hostilities. Anchored on conflict management theory, with reliance on primary and secondary data sources, the study attempts to answer the following questions: What was the state of the conflict in Ebiraland before the Yahaya Bello's regime? What conflict resolution mechanisms did the Governor deploy to achieve the relative peace in that part of the state? What measures should be in place towards sustaining the prevailing peaceful atmosphere in the area even at the expiration of the tenure of the curent administration? These, among other issues,constitute the theme of this study. Keywords: Intra-ethnic conflict, clan politics, Ebiraland, Kogi State, Nigeria