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Women have performed the vast majority of often unpaid friendship labor for centuries. Embodying the freedom, equality, and ideals of the Constitution, civic friendship emerges as a necessary condition for genuine justice. Through a critical examination of social and political relationships from ancient times to today, Sibyl Schwarzenbach develops a truly innovative, feminist theory of the democratic state. Beginning with an analysis of Aristotle's notion of political friendship, Schwarzenbach brings the philosopher's insights to bear on the social and political requirements of the modern stat

Two models of citizenship predominate in Western political thought: the model of ancient warrior and the model of modern producer. Both are traditionally male activities and tend to produce inequalities in society rather than mitigate them. A third model of citizenship exists, reaching back to Aristotle, whose goal is to reduce inequalities and realise a civic friendship among all citizens, but such is generally considered 'unrealistic' today. If we consider the theoretically underappreciated ethical reproductive activities of women, however, together with the Gandhian tradition of non-violent civil disobedience, this third model of political action emerges as possible and may be relevant to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict over Jerusalem.

Despite recent cracks in the dominant Hobbesian world picture of international relations (IR) - as the resurgence of neo-Kantianism in the area of 'global justice' bears witness - a discussion of friendship still remains absent. This article focusses on the important debate concerning the possibility of a global 'difference principle': that principle which John Rawls in A Theory of Justice considers an 'expression of fraternity' between citizens. Although in his later work Rawls explicitly denies that his difference principle applies worldwide and between 'people', others (most famously Charles Beitz and Thomas Pogge) defend a global version of it nonetheless. Yet, there is no talk of fraternity by these latter thinkers. I argue that both these positions are mistaken. Not only is an analysis of friendship necessary for any adequate account of justice - whether domestic or global - but the form this political friendship takes emerges as critical to the substantive debate. Adapted from the source document.