Suchergebnisse

Race cycles, racial hierarchy, and inclusionary discrimination : a dynamic approach -- Freedom and discrimination : uneven inequality and inclusion in prerevolutionary Cuba -- Race and revolution : transformation and continuity -- Match made in heaven or strange bedfellows? : Black radicals in Castro's Cuba -- Race and daily life in Cuba during the Special Period. Part I. Interview data -- Race and daily life in Cuba during the Special Period. Part II. Survey research -- Racial politics in Miami : ninety miles and a world away.

The year is 2015, and across Latin America and the Spanish Caribbean
there are social movements demanding racial justice as political parties
jockey to incorporate candidates of African and indigenous descent.
Textbooks are being rewritten to highlight the contributions and unique
experiences of indigenous and black Latin Americans and affirmative action
programs are being debated and implemented. W. E. B. DuBois's famous
line, "The problem of the twentieth century will be the problem of
the color line," applies to Latin America in the twenty-first
century. What led us to this moment? And what tools does political science
have to explain it?

A contribution to the symposium, "Ten Years from Now," suggests that by 2015 political parties in Latin America will be making a concerted effort to include candidates of African & indigenous descent as a response to demands for racial justice. In addition, affirmative action programs will be implemented & textbooks will be rewritten to highlight the experiences of indigenous & black Latin Americans. Activists have challenged the commonly held view of Latin America as free from racial discrimination by revealing hidden economic & educational racial inequalities, disparities in the health system, & accepted language that denigrates blackness or indigenous identity. The new view has been reinforced by both domestic political elites & international institutions. Special attention is given to the impact of interest groups, the spread of democracy, migration, & globalization on the evolution of racial politics in Latin America & the Spanish Caribbean. It is concluded that race will play a vital role in future politics. 30 References. J. Lindroth

Discusses modes of subversion in historical cases in which marginalized groups challenge a lack of democracy or limitations of democracy, including 18th century England, Blacks in Reconstruction Richmond, VA (1865-77), maternal identity politics in Argentina (1970s-80s) and Nicaragua (1980s-present), and contemporary transnational activists.

We examine the interlinked migrations between the Dominican Republic and Haiti, between the Dominican Republic and the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, and, finally, migrations from these three countries to the United States. The literature tends to draw stark differences between race and racism in the United States and the nonracial societies of Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic. However, althoughBlacknessis a contextual category, through analyzing how "Black" migrants are racialized using these three contexts, we find that there is a simultaneously global and local derogation of "Blackness" that places Black migrants at the bottom of socioeconomic hierarchies. Further, these migrants remain largely outside of conceptions of the nation, and thus Blackness is constructed as a blend of racial phenotype and national origin, whereby native "Blacks" attempt to opt out of Blackness on account of their national identity. This dynamic is particularly true in the Caribbean whereBlanqueamiento, or Whitening, is made possible through a dialectical process in which a person's Whiteness, or at least his or her non-Blackness, is made possible by contrast to an "Other." Consequently, we argue that immigration becomes a key site for national processes of racialization, the construction of racial identities, and the maintenance of and contestation over racial boundaries.

This paper examined the interface between "racial" and national identity from the perspective of two competing theoretical frameworks: the ideological asymmetry hypothesis and the thesis of Iberian Exceptionalism. In contrast to previous results found in the United States and Israel, use of survey data from Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, and Cuba showed some support for both theoretical positions. Consistent with the asymmetry thesis, there was strong and consistent evidence of racial hierarchy within all three Caribbean nations. However, contradicting the asymmetry hypothesis and more in line with the Iberian Exceptionalism perspective, there was a general tendency for all "races" to be equally attached to the nation in both the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico. Somewhat unexpectedly, Cuban Blacks tended to be slightly more positively attached to the nation than Cuban Whites. These results suggest that the precise interface between racial and national identity will be acutely influenced by the specific socio-political context within each nation.

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