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Cover -- Half Title -- Series Information -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Notes -- References -- 1 Role Theory Capturing the Quest for Status -- Introduction -- Roles - a Brief Intro -- Roles and Identities -- The Role of Status in Identity Affirmation -- Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 2 Status as a Variable in Foreign Policy Analysis -- Introduction -- Conceptualizing Status and International Hierarchies -- Why Status Matters -- Middle Powers -- Traditional Vs Emerging Middle Powers -- Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 3 Brazil, the Middle Power Longing for Grandeza -- Introduction -- Political System and Foreign Policy Conduct -- Brazilian Material and Ideational Attributes -- Geography -- Demography -- Economy -- Military Capacity -- The Power of Culture -- Identity and Status: the Desire for Grandeza -- Brazil: What Type of Power? -- Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 4 Brazil: The Reticent Regional Power -- Introduction -- Brazil's Regional Belonging -- The Declared Roles -- The Isolation of the Lonely Island -- Brazil Becomes American -- The Economic Identity of Latin America -- At the Crossroads: the West, South America, and Latin America -- The Perceptual Implications of Asymmetries -- Brazil's Role Performance -- Integration Successes -- Signs of Restraint -- Sources of Role Distance and Limited Commitment -- Brazil's Role Partners -- Domestic Audiences -- Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 5 Solidarity Diplomacy in Africa: Brazil's Fraternal Gift Or Unfulfilled Promise? -- Introduction -- The Atlantic Brotherhood -- Role Declarations -- Brazil's Obliviousness of Its African Roots -- Un-forgetting Africa -- Twentieth-century Rapprochement in Practice: Independent Foreign Policy (PEI) and Responsible Pragmatism.

"In Brazil's International Activism Monika Sawicka questions how Brazil's deep-rooted craving for greatness has led to the quest for status in the 21st century and contends that the categorization of Brazil as an 'emerging middle power' enriches the understanding of modern Brazilian foreign policy. Drawing on the rich vocabulary of role theory, Sawicka sets out to establish an original theoretical framework comprised of the structural (status), the behavioral (role), and the cognitive-ideational (identity) to assess whether Brazil has performed roles distinguishing a middle power and how the state has re-conceptualized them. The model is applied to scrutinize how ideational and material drivers impacted Brazil's engagement as an integrator in Latin America, coalition builder of developing states in global fora, donor in Africa, and mediator in the Middle East. Despite recent criticism of the concept of 'emerging middle powers', Sawicka argues that Brazil's international activism stands as a precise embodiment of such a power. With an aim of theory development and contributing to the debate on Brazil's international standing, Brazil's International Activism provides a much-required reinterpretation of Brazilian foreign policy which will be of interest to scholars and students of Foreign Policy Analysis, International Relations and Latin-American Studies"--

Over the course of less than a quarter of a century, two Brazilian Heads of State – Fernando Collor in 1992 and Dilma Rousseff in 2016 – have been removed from office by impeachment. There has been much controversy surrounding both proceedings, particularly the latter. The article seeks to discuss briefly the history of the proceeding of impeachment in Brazil and its significance for the country's political life after 1988. Through an analysis of the impeachment cases of President Fernando Collor and President Dilma Rousseff, and overview of the literature on impeachment in Latin America, the paper will address the similarities and differences present in both cases in which a Brazilian Head of State was removed from office. The last part of the article will further discuss the disputes among Brazilian jurists triggered by differing evaluations of this legal measure and, in particular, the more recent case of its implementation in Brazil.

Brazil‑U.S. Relations in the 21st Century – A Difficult Partnership The paper examines the evolution of US‑Brazilian relations at the turn of the 20th and 21st century. Factors such as the divergence of geopolitical views held in both countries after the end of the Cold War, Brazil's longstanding aspirations to become a major power in a multipolar world, new tensions that arose after September 11 and the US "war on terror" as well as president Lula da Silva's (2003‑2010) engagement in a fuel swap deal with Iran led to a complicated relation between the United States and Brazil in the first decade of the 21st century. Lula da Silva's successor Dilma Rousseff (2011‑2016) declared to continue his policy. An analysis of her rule allows to claim that mutual relations were to a large extent overshadowed by controversial topics such as a UN Security Council reform and the NSA spying controversy. Yet, Mrs Rousseff 's administration also managed to show visible efforts to focus on more pragmatic issues of economic and technological cooperation contributing to a possible improvement of future U.S.‑Brazil relations.

Este trabajo sostiene que los cambios profundos de la política exterior del gobierno de Jair M. Bolsonaro llevaron a una redefinición de la narrativa de la política exterior de Brasil y de sus papeles internacionales, provocando tensiones en las relaciones sino-brasileñas. El tema principal de la asociación problemática de Brasil con China se explora mediante el análisis de los fundamentos conceptuales de la política exterior del Brasil. Por lo tanto, se pone énfasis en las modificaciones de la autoarticulación discursiva implementada por las elites de la política exterior del país con un enfoque particular en una nueva comprensión del Occidente y del sentido de pertenencia occidental de Brasil. La autoconcepción redefinida, que ha dado lugar a la adopción de los papeles del aliado fiel de los Estados Unidos y defensor de la fe, no ha dejado de repercutir en la cooperación entre Brasil y el desafiante del orden mundial liberal, China. El análisis del reciente activismo externo de Brasil está basado en la teoría de los papeles y asume un enfoque constructivista del análisis de la política exterior (FPA).

This paper contends that major foreign policy shifts of the Bolsonaro government, which led to a redefinition of Brazil's foreign policy narrative and international roles, triggered tensions in Sino-Brazilian relations. The main theme of Brazil's recent troubled partnership with China is explored by scrutinizing ideational underpinnings of Brazil's foreign policy. Therefore, emphasis is placed on the modifications of discursive self-articulation implemented by the country's foreign policy elites with a particular focus on a new understanding of the West and Brazil's western sense of belonging. A redefined self-conception, resulting in the embracement of the roles of a faithful ally of the United States and defender of the faith has not failed to impact Brazil's cooperation with the challenger of the liberal world order, China. The analysis of Brazil's recent external activism is anchored in role theory and builds on a constructivist approach to foreign policy analysis (FPA). ; Este trabajo sostiene que los cambios profundos de la política exterior del gobierno de Jair M. Bolsonaro llevaron a una redefinición de la narrativa de la política exterior de Brasil y de sus papeles internacionales, provocando tensiones en las relaciones sino-brasileñas. El tema principal de la asociación problemática de Brasil con China se explora mediante el análisis de los fundamentos conceptuales de la política exterior del Brasil. Por lo tanto, se pone énfasis en las modificaciones de la autoarticulación discursiva implementada por las elites de la política exterior del país con un enfoque particular en una nueva comprensión del Occidente y del sentido de pertenencia occidental de Brasil. La autoconcepción redefinida, que ha dado lugar a la adopción de los papeles del aliado fiel de los Estados Unidos y defensor de la fe, no ha dejado de repercutir en la cooperación entre Brasil y el desafiante del orden mundial liberal, China. El análisis del reciente activismo externo de Brasil está basado en la teoría de los papeles y asume un enfoque constructivista del análisis de la política exterior (FPA).

El artículo pretende analizar los primeros meses de la intervención federal en el estado de Río de Janeiro, introducida por el decreto presidencial del 16 de febrero de 2018. La crisis de seguridad en el Estado, que comenzó en 2017 y obtuvo una importante cobertura mediática, llevó a Michel Temer a tomar la decisión de poner a las Fuerzas Armadas a cargo de la seguridad pública, por primera vez desde la redemocratización del país. Considerada controvertida desde su anuncio en febrero, la medida fue cuestionada luego del asesinato de Marielle Franco, concejala de la Cámara Municipal de Río de Janeiro, conocida por su feroz oposición a la intervención militar. El documento examina si la disfuncionalidad del Estado brasileño en el ámbito de la seguridad pública puede ser abordada por políticas de línea dura como la intervención federal y cuestiona la validez de esta medida en el contexto dado. Afirma que las duras políticas de seguridad son ineficaces para combatir la violencia en Brasil y destaca que el discurso dominante sobre el crimen y la violencia, que contribuye al apoyo de la opinión pública a las medidas contraproducentes de línea dura, requiere una redefinición.

The paper aims to analyze the first months of the federal intervention in the state of Rio de Janeiro introduced by presidential decree on the 16th of February 2018. The security crisis in the state, which started in 2017 and gained significant media coverage, led to Michel Temer's decision to put the Armed Forces in charge of public security, for the first time since the country's redemocratization. Deemed controversial since its announcement in February, the measure was further questioned after the assassination of Marielle Franco, city councilor of the Municipal Chamber of Rio de Janeiro known for her fierce opposition to the military intervention. The paper examines whether the dysfunctionality of the Brazilian state in the sphere of public security can be tackled by hardline policies such as the federal intervention and questions the validity of this measure in the given context. It claims that harsh security policies are inefficient in combating violence in Brazil and stresses that the dominating discourse on crime and violence, which contributes to the public opinion's support of counterproductive hardline measures, requires a redefinition. ; El artículo pretende analizar los primeros meses de la intervención federal en el estado de Río de Janeiro, introducida por el decreto presidencial del 16 de febrero de 2018. La crisis de seguridad en el Estado, que comenzó en 2017 y obtuvo una importante cobertura mediática, llevó a Michel Temer a tomar la decisión de poner a las Fuerzas Armadas a cargo de la seguridad pública, por primera vez desde la redemocratización del país. Considerada controvertida desde su anuncio en febrero, la medida fue cuestionada luego del asesinato de Marielle Franco, concejala de la Cámara Municipal de Río de Janeiro, conocida por su feroz oposición a la intervención militar. El documento examina si la disfuncionalidad del Estado brasileño en el ámbito de la seguridad pública puede ser abordada por políticas de línea dura como la intervención federal y cuestiona la validez de esta medida en el contexto dado. Afirma que las duras políticas de seguridad son ineficaces para combatir la violencia en Brasil y destaca que el discurso dominante sobre el crimen y la violencia, que contribuye al apoyo de la opinión pública a las medidas contraproducentes de línea dura, requiere una redefinición.

Since 2003, Brazil has been searching for efficient modalities directed at deepening ties with Latin American and African states, such as knowledge sharing and engaging in dialogue on alternative ways of tackling common development challenges. Considered by Brazilian policymakers to be expressions of solidarity diplomacy, these concepts and modalities are part of what has been coined Brazil's "autonomy through diversification" strategy. Brazilian presidents Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff consecutively pursued geopolitical realignments focused on the creation of a multipolar world order with a strengthened, more visible position for Brazil, an emerging world power. This paper will examine the practical and theoretical implications of Brazil's reconceptualization of its role as a donor of development aid, as well as donor-recipient relations as expressed in the two presidents' official speeches, documents of the Brazilian Cooperation Agency, and COBRADI reports Furthermore, it will explore whether Brazil's declared role as a development partner and its practices in the capacity thereof are consistent with the expectations of other significant development cooperation actors.

The paper seeks to investigate changes in Brazil's activism within the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) between 2006 and 2020 and addresses the modifications of status-seeking strategies (of social mobility, creativity and competition) applied by the state within this international body. My claim is that Brazil under the Bolsonaro administration chose the role of the defender of the faith advocating for a recreation of the global human rights protection system over being a good international citizen committed to the maintenance and development of this system. This role was selected in conformity with a populist political agenda based on a conservative set of values that the state's diplomacy had to promote. The changes, exemplified by Brazil's conduct within the HRC since 2019, undermined the state's prestige and moral authority that led to status losses. ; El trabajo busca investigar los cambios en el activismo de Brasil dentro del Consejo de Derechos Humanos (CDH) de la ONU entre 2006 y 2020 y aborda las modificaciones de las estrategias de búsqueda de estatus (de movilidad, creatividad y competencia social) aplicadas por el Estado dentro de este organismo internacional. Mi argumento es que Brasil, bajo el gobierno de Bolsonaro, eligió el papel de defensor de la fe que aboga por una recreación del sistema global de protección de los derechos humanos en lugar de ser un buen ciudadano internacional comprometido con el mantenimiento y desarrollo de este sistema. Este papel fue seleccionado en conformidad con una agenda política populista basada en un conjunto de valores conservadores que la diplomacia del Estado debía promover. Los cambios, ejemplificados por la conducta de Brasil en el CDH desde 2019, socavaron el prestigio y la autoridad moral del Estado, lo que condujo a pérdidas de estatus.