Suchergebnisse

Hegemoni BN di Silam termasuk Sabah bermula apabila UMNO berjaya melebarkan sayapnya ke Sabah tahun 1994. Klimaks kepada hegemoni ini ialah apabila Sabah menerima jolokan simpanan tetap kerana kemampuannya menyelamatkan BN daripada rebah angkara tsunami politik yang dikesan bermula 2004. Namun isu-isu berkaitan peningkatan kos sara hidup, kadar pengangguran di kalangan anak-anak muda, masalah kleptokrasi di kalangan ahli-ahli politik dan ledakan media sosial telah merubah landskap politik luar jangka menyebabkan hegemoni BN tersungkur pada PRU-14. Oleh itu makalah ini melihat kejayaan BN mengekalkan hegemoni di parlimen Silam dan bagaimana hegemoni ini berjaya ditamatkan oleh parti-parti non-BN terutamanya Warisan. Untuk merungkaikan masalah ini, keputusan pilihanraya bermula daripada PRU-11 dan siaran-siaran akhbar dianalisis. Di samping itu kajilidikan lapangan dilakukan bagi mengesah dan mengukuhkan dapatan. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahawa faktor pengekalan hegemoni BN sebelum PRU-14 banyak dipengaruhi oleh faktor nasional dan kekuatan jentera BN yang kukuh di samping agen-agen kerajaan berjaya digunakan untuk memberi gambaran yang baik terhadap BN. Namun PRU-14 BN di kuburkan di P.188 Silam termasuk ketiga-tiga DUN di dalamnya iaitu N.49 Tungku, N.50 Lahad Datu dan N.51 Kunak. Puncanya ialah isu-isu yang dihadapi oleh kerajaan berjaya dipersepsi secara buruk oleh kebanyakan media sosial yang dilihat anti BN menyebabkan berlakunya perubahan sikap rakyat terutamanya pengundi muda di saluran 3, 4 dan 5.
Abstract
The BN Hegemony of Silam, including Sabah started when UMNO succeeded to spread its wings to Sabah in 1994. The climax of Sabah hegemony happened when it was able to save BN from drowning during the political tsunami that was detected since 2004. However, issues related to the increasing cost of living, unemployment among young people, the problem of kleptocracy among politicians and the explosion of social media have changed the political landscape and witnessed the collapse of BN hegemony in GE-14. Thus, this paper reviews the success of BN in maintaining its hegemony in Silam and how this hegemony was put to an end by non-BN parties especially Warisan. To explore this case, election results and press releases beginning GE-11 were analyzed. In addition, field surveys were conducted to confirm and strengthen the findings. The results of the analysis show that the factors maintaining BN's hegemony prior to GE-14 were heavily influenced by the national factor and the strength of BN's machinery, as well as government agents who were successful in promoting a good impression of BN. However, during GE-14 BN failed to secure victory at P.188 Silam including the three state constituencies in N.49 Tungku, N.50 Lahad Datu and N.51 Kunak. The reason of this failure is due to anti-BN social media that managed to give negative perceptions of the issues faced by the government, resulting in a change of attitude in people, especially young voters in channels 3, 4 and 5.

Hegemoni BN di Silam termasuk Sabah bermula apabila UMNO berjaya melebarkan sayapnya ke Sabah tahun 1994. Klimaks kepada hegemoni ini ialah apabila Sabah menerima jolokan simpanan tetap kerana kemampuannya menyelamatkan BN daripada rebah angkara tsunami politik yang dikesan bermula 2004. Namun isu-isu berkaitan peningkatan kos sara hidup, kadar pengangguran di kalangan anak-anak muda, masalah kleptokrasi di kalangan ahli-ahli politik dan ledakan media sosial telah merubah landskap politik luar jangka menyebabkan hegemoni BN tersungkur pada PRU-14. Oleh itu makalah ini melihat kejayaan BN mengekalkan hegemoni di parlimen Silam dan bagaimana hegemoni ini berjaya ditamatkan oleh parti-parti non-BN terutamanya Warisan. Untuk merungkaikan masalah ini, keputusan pilihanraya bermula daripada PRU-11 dan siaran-siaran akhbar dianalisis. Di samping itu kajilidikan lapangan dilakukan bagi mengesah dan mengukuhkan dapatan. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahawa faktor pengekalan hegemoni BN sebelum PRU-14 banyak dipengaruhi oleh faktor nasional dan kekuatan jentera BN yang kukuh di samping agen-agen kerajaan berjaya digunakan untuk memberi gambaran yang baik terhadap BN. Namun PRU-14 BN di kuburkan di P.188 Silam termasuk ketiga-tiga DUN di dalamnya iaitu N.49 Tungku, N.50 Lahad Datu dan N.51 Kunak. Puncanya ialah isu-isu yang dihadapi oleh kerajaan berjaya dipersepsi secara buruk oleh kebanyakan media sosial yang dilihat anti BN menyebabkan berlakunya perubahan sikap rakyat terutamanya pengundi muda di saluran 3, 4 dan 5. Abstract The BN Hegemony of Silam, including Sabah started when UMNO succeeded to spread its wings to Sabah in 1994. The climax of Sabah hegemony happened when it was able to save BN from drowning during the political tsunami that was detected since 2004. However, issues related to the increasing cost of living, unemployment among young people, the problem of kleptocracy among politicians and the explosion of social media have changed the political landscape and witnessed the collapse of BN hegemony in GE-14. Thus, this paper reviews the success of BN in maintaining its hegemony in Silam and how this hegemony was put to an end by non-BN parties especially Warisan. To explore this case, election results and press releases beginning GE-11 were analyzed. In addition, field surveys were conducted to confirm and strengthen the findings. The results of the analysis show that the factors maintaining BN's hegemony prior to GE-14 were heavily influenced by the national factor and the strength of BN's machinery, as well as government agents who were successful in promoting a good impression of BN. However, during GE-14 BN failed to secure victory at P.188 Silam including the three state constituencies in N.49 Tungku, N.50 Lahad Datu and N.51 Kunak. The reason of this failure is due to anti-BN social media that managed to give negative perceptions of the issues faced by the government, resulting in a change of attitude in people, especially young voters in channels 3, 4 and 5.

Semporna merupakan sebuah daerah maritim yang terletak di bahagian pantai timur Sabah. Pada PRU-14, pandangan penganalisis banyak bertumpu ke Semporna kerana reformasi politik Sabah telah bermula di daerah ini rentetan keluarnya DSSA daripada UMNO dan menubuhkan Parti Warisan. Ramai berpandangan bahawa tindakan DSSA ini sebagai menggali lubang kubur sendiri dan bakal menamatkan hayat politiknya yang telah dibina sejak 1995. Namun keputusan PRU-14 menyatakan sebaliknya malahan ia berjaya ditabalkan sebagai Ketua Menteri Sabah. Oleh itu makalah ini cuba meneliti sejarah penglibatan politik DSSA yang menyebabkan ia berjaya menonjolkan legasinya walaupun terpaksa berhadapan dengan legasi mentornya, Tun Sakaran. Bagi memahami isu ini, keputusan pilihanraya bermula PRU-9 dianalisis bersama dengan analisis kandungan laporan media-media on-line. Melalui analisis ini, didapati DSSA merupakan watak penting dalam politik Semporna. Ini ditunjukkan dengan jumlah undi popular dalam PRU yang disertainya kekal di atas paras 70 peratus. Walaupun rakyat Semporna sinonim dengan USNO dan UMNO tetapi perpindahan DSSA kepada parti baru Warisan, tidak menjejaskan sokongan rakyat terhadapnya. Ini dibuktikan dengan jumlah majoriti undi yang diperoleh semasa PRU-13 dan PRU-14 adalah hampir sama iaitu sekitar 20, 000 undi. Tambahan pula, parti DSSA mampu mengekalkan undi popular sebanyak 74.2% di DUN Senallang dan 75.4 di DUN Bugaya apabila berhadapan legasi Tun Sakaran.
AbstractSemporna is a maritime district located on the east coast of Sabah. In the last GE-14, most the political analysts were concentrating on Semporna because of Sabah's political reformation begun in this area when the DSSA resigned from UMNO and formed Warisan Party. Many claimed that the action of DSSA as digging its own grave and will end his political life that has been built since 1995. But the results of the GE-14 said the opposite, in fact, he has been successfully appointed as the Chief Minister of Sabah. So, this paper tries to study the history of DSSA's political involvement that has led to its legacy includes forcing himself to face for the legacy of his mentor, Tun Sakaran. To understand this issue, the election results starting from GE9 were analyzed along with an analysis of the content of online media reports. Through this analysis, it was found that DSSA was an important character in Semporna's politics. This is indicated by the number of popular votes in a contested general election remained above 70 per cent. Although the people of Semporna are synonymous with USNO and UMNO the shifting of DSSA to Warisan Party, does not affect the people's support for him. This is evidenced by the number of majority votes obtained by the GE13 and the GE14 is amounting 20,000 votes. Furthermore, the DSSA party was able to maintain a popular vote of 74.2 per cent in DUN Senallang and 75.4 per cent in the DUN Bugaya when facing the Tun Sakaran legacy.

Semporna merupakan sebuah daerah maritim yang terletak di bahagian pantai timur Sabah. Pada PRU-14, pandangan penganalisis banyak bertumpu ke Semporna kerana reformasi politik Sabah telah bermula di daerah ini rentetan keluarnya DSSA daripada UMNO dan menubuhkan Parti Warisan. Ramai berpandangan bahawa tindakan DSSA ini sebagai menggali lubang kubur sendiri dan bakal menamatkan hayat politiknya yang telah dibina sejak 1995. Namun keputusan PRU-14 menyatakan sebaliknya malahan ia berjaya ditabalkan sebagai Ketua Menteri Sabah. Oleh itu makalah ini cuba meneliti sejarah penglibatan politik DSSA yang menyebabkan ia berjaya menonjolkan legasinya walaupun terpaksa berhadapan dengan legasi mentornya, Tun Sakaran. Bagi memahami isu ini, keputusan pilihanraya bermula PRU-9 dianalisis bersama dengan analisis kandungan laporan media-media on-line. Melalui analisis ini, didapati DSSA merupakan watak penting dalam politik Semporna. Ini ditunjukkan dengan jumlah undi popular dalam PRU yang disertainya kekal di atas paras 70 peratus. Walaupun rakyat Semporna sinonim dengan USNO dan UMNO tetapi perpindahan DSSA kepada parti baru Warisan, tidak menjejaskan sokongan rakyat terhadapnya. Ini dibuktikan dengan jumlah majoriti undi yang diperoleh semasa PRU-13 dan PRU-14 adalah hampir sama iaitu sekitar 20, 000 undi. Tambahan pula, parti DSSA mampu mengekalkan undi popular sebanyak 74.2% di DUN Senallang dan 75.4 di DUN Bugaya apabila berhadapan legasi Tun Sakaran. AbstractSemporna is a maritime district located on the east coast of Sabah. In the last GE-14, most the political analysts were concentrating on Semporna because of Sabah's political reformation begun in this area when the DSSA resigned from UMNO and formed Warisan Party. Many claimed that the action of DSSA as digging its own grave and will end his political life that has been built since 1995. But the results of the GE-14 said the opposite, in fact, he has been successfully appointed as the Chief Minister of Sabah. So, this paper tries to study the history of DSSA's political involvement that has led to its legacy includes forcing himself to face for the legacy of his mentor, Tun Sakaran. To understand this issue, the election results starting from GE9 were analyzed along with an analysis of the content of online media reports. Through this analysis, it was found that DSSA was an important character in Semporna's politics. This is indicated by the number of popular votes in a contested general election remained above 70 per cent. Although the people of Semporna are synonymous with USNO and UMNO the shifting of DSSA to Warisan Party, does not affect the people's support for him. This is evidenced by the number of majority votes obtained by the GE13 and the GE14 is amounting 20,000 votes. Furthermore, the DSSA party was able to maintain a popular vote of 74.2 per cent in DUN Senallang and 75.4 per cent in the DUN Bugaya when facing the Tun Sakaran legacy.