Suchergebnisse

This paper analyzes in comparative key, the trajectory of the Chilean and Italian Christian Democratic parties in the second half of the twentieth century, paying special attention to the impact that changes in the agenda of the Catholic Church had on the fortunes of this political actor. The analysis begins with the postwar years, when the Church developed a concern about an atheistic Marxism that challenged catholic views of society; as a consequence, the Church established a special relationship with Christian Democratic parties. Then, the paper describes the political impact of the second Vatican Council. Finally, the paper considers Church's recent emphasis on individual morality as well as the adoption of forms of political action akin to pressure groups. The comparative analysis shows the similarities of the Italian and Chilean cases regarding the left and right-wing alignments facing religious matters. The analogies help us to understand the identity crisis which affects, in both cases, Catholic political groups which converged to center-left coalitions. ; ste trabajo analiza, en clave comparada, la trayectoria de los partidos demócratacristianos chileno e italiano en la segunda mitad del siglo xx, poniendo una especial atención en las repercusiones que los cambios en la agenda de la Iglesia católica tuvieron sobre las suertes de este actor político. El periodo abarcado va desde los años de la posguerra, en que la preocupación por el desafío del marxismo ateo llevó a la Iglesia a establecer una relación privilegiada con la DC; pasando por las repercusiones políticas del Concilio Vaticano II; hasta la más reciente énfasis de la Iglesia en la esfera de la moralidad personal, acompañada por la adopción de modalidades de acción política típicas de un «grupo de presión». El artículo evidencia una serie de analogías que han marcado esta evolución en los dos casos analizados, las que guardan relación con la historia de los dos países y con el osicionamiento de derechas e izquierdas frente al tema religioso. Estas analogías nos permiten entender a la crisis identitaria que hoy afecta, en ambos casos, a los sectores del catolicismo político que han confluido en coaliciones de centroizquierda.

AbstractThis paper responds to renewed interest in the following controversial question: do rating agencies have the ability to predict the risk of bank bankruptcy in a timely manner, and are they able to communicate it on time to the banking system? We tried to provide an answer to this question by checking when US banks that failed in 2009 were downgraded to Non‐Investment Grade (E). The database for this analysis consists of 116 US banks failing in 2009. The rating agency considered is Lace Financial Corporation. The study analyses the time series of ratings for the sample banks from the fourth quarter of 2005 to the date of bankruptcy and shows that over 72 per cent of the US banks that failed in 2009 had been downgraded to E in the fourth quarter prior to failure and 94 per cent had been rated E six months prior to bankruptcy. Empirical evidence from the Lace case does support the view that the Credit Rating Agency provides timely information to market participants.

This article focuses in the discursive strategies of right-wing supporters of the Chilean military regime. Its main focus is on the gremialismo, which represents the ultimate expression of the neoliberal-conservative synthesis that characterized the country's political right-wing parties since the authoritarian years. Drawing on an analysis of articles published on the press related to this group, this article highlights how, within a context of international isolation and in face of the critical attitude of so-called "advanced" capitalist countries of Europe towards the Pinochet regime, a series of representations about the crisis of the West were elaborated. By focusing on the effects of the Welfare State and the decay of traditional moral values, such representations helped overcoming a merely defensive nationalism, thus presenting its national project as an alternative to such crisis. ; Este artículo se centra en el ámbito de las estrategias discursivas de la derecha partidaria del régimen militar. Su principal objeto de interés es el gremialismo, expresión más acabada de la síntesis entre neo-liberalismo y conservadurismo que caracterizó a la derecha surgida bajo el alero de la dictadura. A partir de un análisis de artículos aparecidos en la prensa cercana a tal sector, los autores destacan como, en un contexto marcado por la actitud negativa hacia Chile de los países capitalistas "avanzados" de Europa, se elaboraron una serie de representaciones sobre la crisis de Occidente, centradas en los efectos del Estado del bienestar y en la decadencia de los valores morales tradicionales. Tales representaciones permitieron articular un discurso que superaba el recurso a un nacionalismo meramente defensivo, presentando al proyecto-país del régimen como alternativa a tal crisis.

El contacto con otras realidades ha sido considerado un factor importante en la formación de la clase dirigente de la actual Concertación; sin embargo, no se ha reflexionado lo suficiente en torno a la otra cara del fenómeno: el significado de la causa de la "solidaridad con el pueblo chileno" para el mundo político de los países de acogida, lo que varía en diferentes áreas y contextos. En este texto abordamos los diferentes escenarios geográficos, políticos y culturales en que el exilio chileno se instaló y actuó como un relevante actor político a lo largo de casi veinte años.AbstractContact with other realities different from the Chilean one, has been considered an important factor in the creation of the leading class of the Concertación parties. Nevertheless, there has not been enough reflection on the other face of the phenomenon: the meaning of "solidarity with the Chilean people" in the political world of shelter countries, which varies across geopolitical areas and contexts. In this paper we reflect upon the different cultural, political, and geographical settings in which Chilean exile operated as prominent political actor for about twenty years.

The Christian Democratic Party has been a key piece in the more general insertion of Chilean politics in the great political-ideological trends that dominated the second half of the 20th century. During the past century, relations between external and Chilean political actors were framed in the context of great processes and dilemmas of global relevance: the Cold War and the more general competition between holistic social projects, the emerging concern for human rights, the experience of post-dictatorial transitions in Southern Europe, among others. These external actors played a very relevant role in promoting the political exit strategy from the Chilean dictatorship which, by converging with internal factors, had an important impact in determining the guidelines of the transition. Local political actors, such as the PDC, far from being pieces in the hands of external referents, played a leading role, using their international networks to consolidate and consolidate their political project. Unlike other works that have addressed the international dimension of the transition, the focus of this book is not the economic or the ideological aspects, but rather the political centrality of an actor, the Christian Democratic Party, and the capacity that it it had to consolidate at the international level its position of reference for the return to democracy in Chile.

The Christian Democratic Party has been a key piece in the more general insertion of Chilean politics in the great political-ideological trends that dominated the second half of the 20th century. During the past century, relations between external and Chilean political actors were framed in the context of great processes and dilemmas of global relevance: the Cold War and the more general competition between holistic social projects, the emerging concern for human rights, the experience of post-dictatorial transitions in Southern Europe, among others. These external actors played a very relevant role in promoting the political exit strategy from the Chilean dictatorship which, by converging with internal factors, had an important impact in determining the guidelines of the transition. Local political actors, such as the PDC, far from being pieces in the hands of external referents, played a leading role, using their international networks to consolidate and consolidate their political project. Unlike other works that have addressed the international dimension of the transition, the focus of this book is not the economic or the ideological aspects, but rather the political centrality of an actor, the Christian Democratic Party, and the capacity that it it had to consolidate at the international level its position of reference for the return to democracy in Chile.

La Empresa Pisquera del Estado tenía como objetivo crear de un símbolo del prestigio para la revolución socialista en Chile a partir del destilado emblemático y patrimonial de Chile. A su vez, representaba la radicalización de la Reforma Agraria y apuntaba a legitimar la expropiación de viñedos de acuerdo a los criterios establecidos por Benito Marianetti que representaba la visión del PC, inspirado en los socialismos reales. La investigación se realizó a partir de las actas de la principal cooperativa pisquera, la prensa de la época y entrevistas personales a informantes en el contexto de las luchas políticas y las tensiones internacionales de la Guerra Fría. Se detecta que la falta de planificación, el exceso de improvisación y las contradicciones ideológicas de las fuerzas gubernistas comprometieron la viabilidad del proyecto.

Este artículo analiza las actividadesque la Embajada chilena en España llevó acabo entre 1983 y 1988, para hacer frente ala "campaña anti-chilena" en el país ibérico.Estas contemplaron una acción de lobbyingy difusión dirigida hacia los sectores de laderecha heredera del franquismo que, sin embargo,tuvieron un impacto limitado, debidoal contexto local de la época, marcado por lahegemonía del PSOE y los requerimientos dela nueva realidad democrática. Esta imponíaevitar todo tipo de identificación con el régimenchileno, corrientemente asimilado porla opinión nacional e internacional al pasadofranquista. ABSTRACT This article analyzes the activitiesthat the Chilean Embassy in Spain carriedout between 1983 and 1988, to confrontthe "anti-Chilean campaign" in the Iberiancountry. They contemplated a lobbying anddiffusion action directed towards the sectors ofthe right that inherited from Franco's regime,which, however, had a limited impact due tothe local context of the time, marked by thehegemony of the PSOE and the requirementsof the new democratic reality. This imposedto avoid any kind of identification with theChilean regime, commonly assimilated bynational and international opinion to theFranco past.